scholarly journals HOW POLITICAL PARTIES ADJUST TO FIXED VOTER OPINIONS

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1587-1595
Author(s):  
KRZYSZTOF KUŁAKOWSKI

We propose a new version of the spatial model of voting. Platforms of five parties were allowed to evolve in a two-dimensional landscape of political issues so as to get maximal numbers of voters. For a Gaussian landscape the evolution leads to a spatially symmetric state, where the platform centers form a pentagon around the Gaussian peak. For a bimodal landscape the platforms located at different peaks get different numbers of voters.

Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

This chapter uses the cleavage positions of Candidates to the European Parliament (CEPs) to as representative of their parties’ political positions. Three surveys of CEPs track the evolution of party supply in European party systems. In 1979 parties were primarily aligned along a Left–Right economic cleavage. Gradually new left and Green parties began to compete in elections and crystallized and represented liberal cultural policies. In recent decades new far-right parties arose to represent culturally conservative positions. The cross-cutting cultural cleavage has also prompted many of the established parties to alter their policy positions. In most multiparty systems, political parties now compete in a fully populated two-dimensional space. This increases the supply of policy choices for the voters. The analyses are based on the Candidates to the European Parliament Studies in 1979, 1994, and 2009.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lenka Bustikova ◽  
David S. Siroky ◽  
Saud Alashri ◽  
Sultan Alzahrani

When do parties respond to their political rivals and when do they ignore them? This article presents a new computational framework to detect, analyze and predict partisan responsiveness by showing when parties on opposite poles of the political spectrum react to each other’s agendas and thereby contribute to polarization. Once spikes in responsiveness are detected and categorized using latent Dirichlet allocation, we utilize the terms that comprise the topics, together with a gradient descent solver, to assess the classifier’s predictive accuracy. Using 10,597 documents from the official websites of radical right and ethnic political parties in Slovakia (2004–2014), the analysis predicts which political issues will elicit partisan reactions, and which will be ignored, with an accuracy of 83% (F-measure) and outperforms both Random Forest and Naive Bayes classifiers. Subject matter experts validate the approach and interpret the results.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayatun Naimah

The process of the power transition from President Soekarno to President Soeharto left the story of political issues. One of the important issues marked the downfall of SukarnoaspresidentisNawaksaraincident.ThetransitionfromPresidentSuhartoto President BJ Habibie started with students strikes that forced Suharto to step down from his position as President. The strike was ended with resignation of Soeharto. Therefore, the vice president, Habibie, was appointed to be President. This raised a polemic about the legiticay of Habibie as President. The next power transition is from President Habibie to Abdurrahman Wahid and from President Abdurrahman Wahid to Megawati Sukarnoputri. The transition from President Abdurrahman Wahid to Megawati Sukarnoputri started with the emergence of many participant political parties in the election. It made more than one candidate for President so the election of President was done by MPR. That period is considered as the most democratic power transition process in the history of the Indonesian state administration. Susilo Bambang Yudoyono, who was the president after megawati, was the first president elected by people through direct election.Kata kunci : Peralihan Kekuasaan, Presiden


2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ehud Haimov ◽  
Michael Urbakh ◽  
Michael M. Kozlov

AbstractNetworks, whose junctions are free to move along the edges, such as two-dimensional soap froths and membrane tubular networks of endoplasmic reticulum are intrinsically unstable. This instability is a result of a positive tension applied to the network elements. A paradigm of networks exhibiting stable polygonal configurations in spite of the junction mobility, are networks formed by bundles of Keratin Intermediate Filaments (KIFs) in live cells. A unique feature of KIF networks is a, hypothetically, negative tension generated in the network bundles due to an exchange of material between the network and an effective reservoir of unbundled filaments. Here we analyze the structure and stability of two-dimensional networks with mobile three-way junctions subject to negative tension. First, we analytically examine a simplified case of hexagonal networks with symmetric junctions and demonstrate that, indeed, a negative tension is mandatory for the network stability. Another factor contributing to the network stability is the junction elastic resistance to deviations from the symmetric state. We derive an equation for the optimal density of such networks resulting from an interplay between the tension and the junction energy. We describe a configurational degeneration of the optimal energy state of the network. Further, we analyze by numerical simulations the energy of randomly generated networks with, generally, asymmetric junctions, and demonstrate that the global minimum of the network energy corresponds to the irregular configurations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Omar Bali

AbstractThis study examines the roots of clientelism in Iraqi Kurdistan and the effort to fight it. The clientelism system exists when a kind of deal is struck between those in power and clients in society who agree to exchange benefits. The political issues in Kurdistan particularly, corruption and lack of social justice have historical roots as a result of the accumulation of problems that have not been resolved by the client system that is adopted by the two political parties in power, namely the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (KDP). The two political parties have monopolised the public sector, the Peshmerga and Security forces, as well as the economy, they have succeeded in controlling the larger part of society through clientelism. In hence, they used public funds, jobs and posts to buy people’s votes and loyalty. The opposition parties have been unable to exert pressure on the ruling parties who can buy the affiliation of people through the use of public finance. The opposition and independent media began to play a large role in highlighting the corruption and the client system.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 192-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Marx ◽  
Linda Stähli

This article attempts to explore, via nonmetric multidimensional scaling (NMDS), the subjective structure of Swiss political parties. Free associations and hierarchical sortings of students are analyzed. The association data is described best by a one-dimensional MINISSA-solution showing the dimension left-right. The sorting data leads to a two-dimensional solution showing the dimension left-right and radicality. Differences and similarities to previous studies in Germany ( Marx & Läge, 1995 ) are discussed.


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