scholarly journals Sun Protection Beliefs among Hispanics in the US

2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marimer Santiago-Rivas ◽  
Chang Wang ◽  
Lina Jandorf

Purpose. We reviewed the literature on sun protection beliefs in Hispanics living in the United States to explore what challenges are faced by area of research.Method. A review of PubMED, PsycINFO, and CINAHL databases was performed. Studies were published in peer-reviewed journals (in all years available) and written in English. The search terms used were [“skin cancer” OR “sun protection”] AND [“Latino” OR “Hispanic”] AND “beliefs.” Eligible papers were included in the final analysis after meeting the following inclusion criteria: (1) the records had to quantitatively examine and report sun protection beliefs in Hispanics, (2) the number of Hispanic participants in the sample had to be clearly specified, and (3) studies reporting differences in sun protection beliefs between Hispanics and other racial and ethnic groups were included in the review.Results. Of the 92 articles identified, 11 met inclusion criteria and addressed sun protection beliefs regarding skin cancer seriousness and susceptibility, and benefits and barriers of sun protection and skin cancer risk behaviors. Characteristics of studies and results were examined.Conclusion. There is insufficient evidence to determine a pattern of sun protection beliefs among Hispanics in the United States. More quality studies are needed which focus on sun protection beliefs in Hispanics.

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Licet Paola Molina-Guzmán ◽  
Leonardo Alberto Ríos-Osorio

Introduction: The prevalence of occupational diseases in the agricultural sector is higher than in other industries, since agricultural workers are at higher risk of exposure to different chemicals and pesticides, and are more prone to occupational accidents.Objective: To conduct a review of recent literature on occupational health and risk in agriculture.Materials and methods: A literature search was conducted in PubMed, SciencieDirect and Scopus using the following search strategy: type of articles: original research papers; language: English; publication period: 2006-2016; search terms: "agricultural health", "agrarian health", "risk factors", "epidemiology", "causality" and "occupational", used in different combinations ("AND" and "OR").Results: The search yielded 350 articles, of which 102 met the inclusion criteria. Moreover, 5 articles were found in grey literature sources and included in the final analysis. Most research on this topic has been conducted in the United States, which produced 91% (97/107) of the articles included.Conclusions: Most studies on health and safety in agriculture focused primarily on the harmful effects of occupational exposure to agrochemicals and pesticides, and the consequences of occupational accidents. However, since more than 90% of these studies come from the United States, a more comprehensive approach to health in agriculture is required, since what is reported here may be far from the reality of other regions, especially Latin America.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48
Author(s):  
Sa'ad Naji Jawad

This article discusses the longstanding and recent intentions of the United States to include Iraq into its spheres of influence. The American occupation of Iraq in 2003, however, not only changed the regime but also led to the destruction of the whole country. A most regrettable outcome of the US occupation of the country was the instigation of sectarian and ethnical differences, as well as the prolonged and continuing struggle between the centre and the peripheries. More harmful was the embodiment of all these negative and divisive phenomena into the permanent constitution of the country. In the final analysis, there have been many unsuccessful initiatives to solve the Iraqi dilemma throughout the last 13 years since the occupation. This article examines these initiatives in detail.


2018 ◽  
Vol 154 (9) ◽  
pp. 1066 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Dodds ◽  
Sarah T. Arron ◽  
Eleni Linos ◽  
Ingrid Polcari ◽  
Matthew D. Mansh

SLEEP ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. A291-A291
Author(s):  
E D Bauer ◽  
C W Davis ◽  
A Patroneva ◽  
J M Dayno ◽  
M J Thorpy

Abstract Introduction Pitolisant Expanded Access Clinical Evaluation (PEACE) provided adult patients with narcolepsy access to treatment with pitolisant while it was an investigational medication in the United States. Methods Pitolisant was titrated to 35.6 mg/day (or the highest tolerable dose) over a 3-week period. Dose adjustments were permitted at the discretion of the treating physician based on patient response. Treating physicians followed their standard of care and were required to report adverse events (AEs). Demographic and baseline information for all enrolled patients, and safety results available through October 30, 2019, are reported here (presentation will include final data from the PEACE program). Results In all, 623 patients (67.9% female; 84.6% white; mean age, 40.0 years; narcolepsy type 1, 51.5%) were treated with pitolisant in the PEACE program. Nearly all patients (98.4%) had been previously treated with other narcolepsy medications (88.1% with ≥2 narcolepsy medications). Overall, 35.2% of patients discontinued from the program; 16.7% due to an AE and 12.2% for lack of effect. At Month 1, 97.3% of patients remained in the study, 88.2% at Month 3, 76.5% at Month 6, 66.9% at Month 9, and 55.0% at Month 12. In all, 256 (41.1%) patients experienced ≥1 AE; majority (52.5%) of these AEs occurred early in treatment (by Week 3). The most commonly reported AEs were headache (9.8% of AEs), nausea (6.6%), anxiety (5.6%), and insomnia (4.7%). Conclusion In the PEACE program, patient characteristics were generally reflective of the US narcolepsy patient population. The safety and tolerability profile of pitolisant was similar to that seen in the clinical development program, with no new safety signals identified. The program ceased enrollment in August 2019 after the US approval of pitolisant for the treatment of excessive daytime sleepiness in adult patients with narcolepsy. Support Harmony Biosciences, LLC.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marimer Santiago-Rivas ◽  
Shayna Benjamin ◽  
Lina Jandorf

Objectives: We reviewed the literature on breast density knowledge and breast density awareness to explore what challenges are faced by this area of research. Method: A review of PubMED, PsycINFO, and CINAHL databases was performed. Studies were published in peer-reviewed journals (in all years available) and written in English. The broad search terms used were [“breast density”] AND [“knowledge” OR “awareness”]. Eligible articles were included in the final analysis after meeting the following inclusion criteria: (1) the records had to quantitatively examine and report breast density knowledge and awareness, (2) the number of participants in the sample had to be clearly specified, and (3) studies reporting differences in breast density knowledge and awareness between racial and ethnic groups were included in the review. Results: Of the 277 articles identified, only 5 met inclusion criteria and addressed breast density knowledge and awareness. Characteristics of studies and results were examined. Conclusions: There is insufficient evidence to determine a pattern of breast density knowledge and awareness in women. More quality studies are needed that focus on how well women understand the relationship between breast density, breast cancer risk, and breast cancer screening, especially in diverse populations.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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