scholarly journals Trends in Stroke Prevalence in the United States Population Age 25-74, 1971-1994.

Circulation ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 103 (suppl_1) ◽  
pp. 1362-1362
Author(s):  
Paul Muntner ◽  
Michael J Klag ◽  
Josef Coresh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Stroke Survivors ◽  
Average Increase ◽  
Stroke Incidence ◽  
Stroke Prevalence ◽  
The Us ◽  
Time Periods ◽  
Nhanes I

P58 Mortality from stroke in the United States (US) has declined since 1900. Primary prevention was credited for much of this decline through the 1970s; however, observational studies have indicated that stroke incidence did not decline during the 1980s. In contrast, improvement in stroke survival has been noted in the 1970s and 1980s. The effect of these secular trends on the prevalence and number of stroke survivors in the US has not been determined. The prevalence and number of non-institutionalized stroke survivors in the US was estimated through self-report for three time periods, 1971-1975, 1976-1980, and 1988-1994, using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) I, II, and III, respectively. Prevalence and number of stroke survivors were analyzed for the overall US population and by age (25-59, 60-74), race (White and African-American), and sex. Estimates were limited to the US population age 25-74 years old because NHANES I and II did not interview persons 75 years of age and older. The age, race, and sex adjusted prevalence of stroke increased from 1.41 to1.69 to 1.87; an average increase of 7.5% (95% confidence interval, CI: -2%, 18%) for each 5-year period between NHANES I, II, and III. Additionally, the number of stroke survivors increased from 1.5 to 2.4 million across this same time period. The prevalence of stroke among the US population age 60-74 years of age increased from 4.2% to 5.0% to 5.2% from NHANES I to III; an average increase of 6.4% for each 5 years (95% CI: -3%, +17%) during the period analyzed. In contrast, among persons age 25-59 the prevalence of stroke was less than 1% in all three-time periods and a secular trend was not present. Although stroke prevalence increased 28% for each 5-year period among African-American females (95% CI: +3%, +56%) and +12% among White males (95% CI: -2%, +29%) it did not change among African-American males or White females. In contrast, the number of stroke survivors increased among all age, race and sex sub-groups. Despite the absence of strong trends in stroke prevalence, the number of non-institutionalized stroke survivors under age 75 years of age increased substantially.

scholarly journals Incidence of Silent Stroke in the United States

Stroke ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (suppl_1) ◽  
pp. 363-363
Author(s):  
Megan C Leary ◽  
Jeffrey L Saver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Stroke Prevention ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Incidence Rates ◽  
Health Study ◽  
Cardiovascular Health Study ◽  
Stroke Incidence ◽  
Age Cohorts ◽  
The Us

P134 Background: Recent estimates of stroke incidence in the US range from 715,000–750,000 annually. These estimates, however, do not reflect silent infarcts and hemorrhages. Since population-based studies have found that prevalence of silent stroke is 10–20 times that of symptomatic, estimates of stroke incidence based solely on symptomatic events may substantially underestimate the annual burden of stroke. Silent strokes contribute to vascular dementia, gait impairment, and other major adverse patient outcomes. Methods: Incidence of silent infarcts for different age strata were derived from two US population-based studies of the prevalence of silent infarct-like lesions on MRI, Atherosclerosis Risk In Communities and Cardiovascular Health Study. Prevalence observations in these studies and age-specific death rates from the US Census Bureau were inputted to calculate silent infarct incidence (method of Leske et al). Similarly, incidence rates of silent hemorrhage at differing ages were extrapolated from population-based prevalence observations employing MR GRE imaging in the Austrian Stroke Prevention Study. Age-specific incidence rates were projected onto age cohorts in the 1998 US population to calculate annual burden of silent stroke. Results: Derived incidence rates per 100,000 of silent infarct ranged from 6400 in the age 50–59 strata to 16400 at ages 75–79. Extrapolated incidence rates of silent hemorrhage ranged from 230 in the age 30–39 strata to 7360 at ages > 80. Incidence rates of both subclinical infarcts and hemorrhage increased exponentially with age. Overall estimated annual US occurrence of silent infarct was 9,039,000, and of silent hemorrhage 2,130,000. Conclusion: In 1998, nearly 12 million strokes occurred in the United States, of which ∼750,000 were symptomatic and over 11 million were subclinical. Among the silent strokes, ∼81% were infarcts and ∼19% hemorrhages. These findings demonstrate that the annual burden of stroke is substantially higher than suggested by estimates based solely on clinically manifest events, and suggest that greater research and clinical resources should be allocated to stroke prevention and treatment.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sartain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Court Case ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Supreme Court ◽  
Monthly Journal

The NAACP, established in 1909, was formed as an integrated organization to confront racism in the United States rather than seeing the issue as simply a southern problem. It is the longest running civil rights organization and continues to operate today. The original name of the organization was The National Negro League, but this was changed to the NAACP on May 30, 1910. Organized to promote racial equality and integration, the NAACP pursued this goal via legal cases, political lobbying, and public campaigns. Early campaigns involved lobbying for national anti-lynching legislation, pursuing through the US Supreme Court desegregation in areas such as housing and higher education, and the pursuit of voting rights. The NAACP is renowned for the US Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education (1954) that desegregated primary and secondary schools and is seen as a catalyst for the civil rights movement (1955–1968). It also advocated public education by promoting African American achievements in education and the arts to counteract racial stereotypes. The organization published a monthly journal, The Crisis, and promoted African American art forms and culture as another means to advance equality. NAACP branches were established all across the United States and became a network of information, campaigning, and finance that underpinned activism. Youth groups and university branches mobilized younger members of the community. Women were also invaluable to the NAACP in local, regional, and national decision-making processes and campaigning. The organization sought to integrate African Americans and other minorities into the American social, political, and economic model as codified by the US Constitution.

scholarly journals Of African Descent? Blackness and the Concept of Origins in Cultural Perspective

Genealogy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Abel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Descent ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
Middle Passage ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Television Documentary ◽  
Popular Television

Over the past decade, the DNA ancestry-testing industry—based largely in the United States—has experienced a huge upsurge in popularity, thanks partly to rapidly developing technologies and the falling prices of products. Meanwhile, the notion of “genetic genealogy” has been strongly endorsed by popular television documentary shows in the US, particularly vis-à-vis African-American roots-seekers—for whom these products are offered as a means to discover one’s ancestral “ethnic” origins, thereby “reversing the Middle Passage.” Yet personalized DNA ancestry tests have not had the same reception among people of African descent in other societies that were historically affected by slavery. This paper outlines and contextualizes these divergent responses by examining and comparing the cultural and political meanings that are attached to notions of origin, as well as the way that Blackness has been defined and articulated, in three different settings: the United States, France and Brazil.

Double Consciousness and an African American Enclave

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen R. Fellows
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Identity ◽  
Double Consciousness ◽  
Free Blacks ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Communal Identity ◽  
The Us

Fleeing a tremendous rise in racial tensions and an American nationality increasingly defined by whiteness, a small group of free blacks fled the US for the island nation of Haiti in 1824 and settled in what is now Samaná, Dominican Republic. The descendants of the original settlers continued to self-identify as both “American” and “black” until the most recent generations. This chapter will focus on issues of communal identity within the globally connected Caribbean, with special attention paid to intersection of race and nationality. Oral historical and archival data will reveal how the American community in Samaná continuously negotiated the “double consciousness” of their African-American identity in a place influenced first by the black Republic of Haiti and later the white, Hispanic, and Catholic nationalism of the Dominican Republic; similar to many Caribbean communities the United States has also played an important role in the development, maintenance, and dissolution of this communal identity.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

Pathways to Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the US/Mexico Borderlands, 1942–1956

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
Agricultural Laborers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Contract Laborers

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.

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