scholarly journals The Military and the Fight Against Serious Crime: Lessons from the Balkans

2010 ◽  
Vol 09 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelius Friesendorf
Keyword(s):  
The Balkans ◽  
Serious Crime ◽  
The Military

scholarly journals The Austro-Hungarian occupation regime in Serbia and its break-down in 1918

Balcanica ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 107-133
Author(s):  
Dimitrije Djordjevic
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

This paper discusses the occupation of Serbia during the First World War by Austro-Hungarian forces. The first partial occupation was short-lived as the Serbian army repelled the aggressors after the Battle of Kolubara in late 1914, but the second one lasted from fall 1915 until the end of the Great War. The Austro-Hungarian occupation zone in Serbia covered the largest share of Serbia?s territory and it was organised in the shape of the Military Governorate on the pattern of Austro-Hungarian occupation of part of Poland. The invaders did not reach a clear decision as to what to do with Serbian territory in post-war period and that gave rise to considerable frictions between Austro-Hungarian and German interests in the Balkans, then between Austrian and Hungarian interests and, finally, between military and civilian authorities within Military Governorate. Throughout the occupation Serbia was exposed to ruthless economic exploitation and her population suffered much both from devastation and from large-scale repression (including deportations, internments and denationalisation) on the part of the occupation regime.

The Process of Westernization of the Balkans after WWII: The Cases of Greece and Bulgaria

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-34
Author(s):  
Alla Kondrasheva ◽  
Stavris Parastatov
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Short Interval ◽  
Western Country ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Western Influence ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Of Greece

The high significance of the Balkan geopolitical knot was clearly expressed in the bipolar era when the main frontier between the two warring blocks passed through the Balkans. Due to the secret ‘Percentages Agreement’ between Great Britain and the USSR in 1944, the Balkans were divided into spheres of influence of the two great powers. Subsequently, London ceded the role of the main source of Western influence in the region to Washington.Of particular interest are the cases of Greece and Bulgaria as border countries that found themselves in different ‘worlds’ and, given the geostrategic importance of their territories, which were the main ideological instruments and conductors of ideas in the Cold war of the hegemons that stood behind. The Truman Doctrine in 1947 and NATO membership in 1952 strengthened and institutionalized Western influence in Greece. Westernization of Greek society in the form of liberalization and democratiza-tion of social relations and consequently its political system proceeded rapidly with a relatively short interval of the military dictatorship.Greece was assigned the role of a model for the rapid and successful develop-ment of a western country, a bridgehead for the dissemination of anti–communist ide-as in other countries of the Balkan region, primarily Bulgaria. Besides, due to the establishment of a strict pro–Soviet regime in Sofia, the westernization of Bulgarian society was carried out including through intelligence agencies, and after a certain thaw in relations through economic cooperation.

The Defeat

2021 ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter cites the military conference in Stolice, in which the participants in attendance formed the wartime political leadership that was to command armies and the revolution in the Balkans. It tells of the mop-up operation that started in the northern Serbian province of Mačva, where 2,000 people were shot and more than 20,000 were deported to the Reich. It also recalls the mass executions that took place in the centrally located Kragujevac, in which many civilians perished, including students and professors of a high school. The chapter talks about the armed conflict between Partisans and Chetniks that flared up in Užice, which turned their cohabitation into an open clash. It explores Marshal Tito's information to Moscow about his evidence that General Mihailović has been overtly collaborating with the Germans.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emanuele Sica
Keyword(s):  
Historical Sociology ◽  
General Level ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Face ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
Triangular Relationship ◽  
The Military ◽  
French Riviera

This book examines the Italian army’s occupation of the French Riviera during the period 1940–1943 at three different levels, each involving a triangular relationship. At a more general level, it analyzes the military occupation with the lens of historical sociology, making references to the triangular comparison of the Italian occupation of France to the German occupation of France and to the Italian occupation of the Balkans. It also considers “the structural effects of occupation on the occupied society’s environment and living conditions,” with particular emphasis on the triangular and rocky relationship between the representatives of the French state, especially the prefects and mayors, and the Italian military authorities, the officers of Italian units deployed on French soil, and Italian civilian authorities who were officially dispatched by Rome to supervise the implementation of the Franco-Italian armistice and to secretly prepare for the annexation of the occupied territories. Finally, at a grassroots level, the book explores the “face-to-face interaction between occupiers and occupied people” and how it was shaped by both groups’ habits, culture, prejudices, and tensions.

Russia and the Eastern Question

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Bitis
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
Book Covers ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
The Military ◽  
European Diplomacy

This book covers one of the most important and persistent problems in nineteenth-century European diplomacy, the Eastern Question. The Eastern Question was essentially shorthand for comprehending the international consequences caused by the gradual and apparently terminal decline of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. This volume examines the military and diplomatic policies of Russia as it struggled with the Ottoman Empire for influence in the Balkans and the Caucasus. The book is based on extensive use of Russian archive sources and it makes a contribution to our understanding of issues such as the development of Russian military thought, the origins and conduct of the 1828–1829 Russo-Turkish War, the origins and conduct of the 1826–1828 Russo-Persian War and the Treaty of Adrianople. The book also considers issues such as the Russian army's use of Balkan irregulars, the reform of the Danubian Principalities (1829 –1834), the ideas of the ‘Russian Party’ and Russian public opinion toward the Eastern Question.

IN THE NAME OF THE SULTAN: HACI MUSTAFA PASHA OF BELGRADE AND OTTOMAN PROVINCIAL RULE IN THE LATE 18TH CENTURY

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Zens
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
Provincial Politics

AbstractThis article examines the administration of Hacı Mustafa Pasha, the military governor of Belgrade from 1793 to 1801. His appointment to this strategically located post was at odds with the contemporary trend in Ottoman provincial politics. Unlike most high-ranking provincial officials at this time, especially in the Balkans, Mustafa Pasha was not among the wealthy and militarily powerful ayan (local notables) but rather a career bureaucrat. His tumultuous and ultimately tragic administration reveals that his appointment was part of the attempt by Sultan Selim III (r. 1789–1807) to recentralize provincial governance. This study also provides a sociopolitical portrait of Belgrade and the surrounding region during the 18th century, as well as a brief look at the dangerous alliance of ayan and the janissaries.

The Defeated of the Greek Civil War: From Fighters to Political Refugees in the Cold War

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kostis Karpozilos
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Refugees ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Refugee Experience ◽  
The Military

In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.

scholarly journals Conversion of the population of Gora and Opolje to Islam, according to the ottoman cadastral registers

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Tatjana Katic
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Conversion To Islam ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

The Islamisation of the population of two neighbouring regions south of Prizren, Gora and Opolje, occurred in varying degrees during the centuries-long rule of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In Gora, inhabited by the Slavic population, it was extremely slow, while in Opolje, inhabited by the Albanians, it was incomparably more intensive. This paper aims to elucidate, based on the analysis of the Ottoman 15th and 16th century cadastral registers, the factors that affected the rate of conversion to Islam among the inhabitants of these two former Serbian medieval counties (zupas), later Ottoman nahiyes. Among the most important are the highly developed church organisation in the region of Gora on the one hand, and on the other hand, the proximity of Prizren, the military and administrative centre of the Prizren Sanjak in which high ranking officials of Opolje origin operated.

Bronze Coinage and City Life in Central Greece circa A.D. 1000

1965 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
D. M. Metcalf
Keyword(s):  
Ninth Century ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
North West ◽  
City Life ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
The Military

In the decades around the millennium the issues of bronze coinage of the Byzantine Empire, except at Cherson, were exclusively ‘Rex Regnantium’ folles. In accordance with the theocratic political philosophy of the time, the portrait they bore was that not of the emperor but of Christ, ‘the King of those who Rule’. The inscriptions were analogous: Ἐμμανουήλ and Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Βασιλεὺς τῶν Βασιλευόντων. Some issues were similar in size and fabric to the earlier issues of the Macedonian dynasty, but others were large, heavy coins, superior to any that had been generally available since the days of Justinian the Great. Quite probably, indeed, they were modelled on the sixth-century folles, as those of Constantine IV certainly had been, with the intention of recalling the glories of the past. The intervening period had witnessed an almost total decline in the circulation of petty currency in the provinces. It is to be seen as evidence of a corresponding decline in city life, for which, in turn, a complex of causes is to be discerned—demographic decline; the Islamic expansion into the eastern provinces and into the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean; the pressure of the Avars, Slavs, and Bulgars in the north-west; the strain imposed on the Byzantine treasury by the military effort expended in containing these threats; provincial self-sufficiency, and lowered standards which necessarily followed from the impoverishment of the state and its peoples. The revival of the Empire's fortunes began in the ninth century, and reached a climax under Basil II (976–1025), who re-established Byzantine rule firmly over territories extending from the Adriatic coasts to the upper valley of the Euphrates. By the end of Basil's reign the use of petty currency, which during the ninth and tenth centuries had still been significantly restricted to a few cities of the Aegean and Black Sea coastlands, was spreading much more widely through the Balkans and Asia Minor. Also, the reconquest of Antioch and the cities of Cilicia added to the needs that the imperial coinage had to meet.

American Perspectives on Turkey: An Evaluation of the Declassified U.S. Documents between 1947 and 1960

2001 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 77-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hakan Yılmaz
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Smooth Path ◽  
Strategic Value ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Main Component ◽  
The Military

During the interwar years, U.S.-Turkish relations had been confined within the boundaries of conventional diplomacy. By the end of World War II, the Truman Doctrine of 1947 and the military assistance agreement that drew on it marked the beginning of a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements that bound the two nations together in the military as well as political, economic, and cultural fields. However, relations between the two states did not always proceed on a smooth path. Hence, the relatively optimistic, formative years of 1947-1960 were followed by the troublesome decades of the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, mutual relations settled back on an upward track, reaching a peak during the Gulf War of 1990-91. With the demise of the Soviet system, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and the end of the Cold War, some commentators expected the eventual dismantling of NATO and with it the waning of the American connections with Turkey. Turkey's “strategic value” in the eyes of the Americans, it was being argued, would necessarily diminish as the Soviet threat-the main component of this “value”-was disappearing. Developments throughout the 1990s, however, did not fully justify those pessimistic scenarios. In fact, by the mid-1990s, Turkey and the United States, with the occasional participation of other states such as Israel, began to build a so-called strategic partnership to contain regional and local threats (arising in the areas surrounding Turkey and ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East and the Caucasus) that had been unleashed by the destabilizing forces of the post-Cold War period. It should be noted that, during about the same period, U.S.-Turkish relations gained unprecedented new dimensions, economic and cultural, complementing and sometimes overshadowing the military one.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document