Enhancing Mobility in the European Neighborhood Policy? The Cases of Moldova and Georgia

2011 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharina Eisele ◽  
Anja Wiesbrock

AbstractIn 2004, the EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) with the objective of avoiding new dividing lines between the EU and its neighbors in the East and the South. This was offered as an alternative to full EU membership. The ENP is intended to bring about prosperity, stability, and security. In this context, the EU has agreed on a number of Action Plans on a bilateral basis with twelve ENP partner states. The mobility of persons is a key policy priority in the framework of the ENP, which is substantiated by the conclusion of 'mobility partnerships' with Moldova (2008) and Georgia (2009). Even though the Action Plans have been negotiated on the basis of 'joint ownership', it is arguable that EU interests have come to dominate the cooperation. The question arises to what extent these policy plans are beneficial for the neighboring countries and individual migrants. This article focuses on the rules and policy priorities contained in the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements, the Action Plans, the visa facilitation and readmission agreements, as well as the mobility partnerships concluded with Moldova and Georgia. The analysis unfolds that the main emphasis of the ENP is on border control and the fight against irregular migration, whereas little has been done to enhance legal migration opportunities. Therefore, we argue that the ENP falls short of meeting the objective to create cooperation based on mutual interest and joint ownership.

Author(s):  
A. Strelkov

The European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership (EaP) heralded the willingness of the EU to create a comprehensive concept for developing relations with the post-Soviet states. The politics of Europeanization (the export of specific forms of the EU political organization) served as a basis for this concept. Liberalization of the visa regime, cooperation with the EU agencies, “Action plans”, adaptation of the acquis communautaire and financial aid, – all these elements are the instruments of Europeanization. The author comes to a conclusion that within the EaP framework, the acquis adaptation will be piecemeal, and Europeanization will be of a limited, “sectoral” character.


2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59
Author(s):  
ANNE HAGLUND-MORRISSEY

Abstract Summary: This study explores the EU "value diffusion strategy" included in its foreign policy, seen through the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The main argument is that the ENP can be seen as a framework through which the EU is trying to diffuse its common values and norms. Instead of offering a future EU membership as the main "carrot" for reforms - an efficient instrument to diffuse its values to neighboring European states - it is trying to exert influence by other means, such as using discursive practices, opening up EU agencies, programs and policies for the participation of the partner countries, granting financial aid, as well as by institutionalizing the relationship. Mainly positive conditionality is present, aiming at promoting norm compliance and reforms by the partner countries. However, negative conditionality may be applied as well.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Laura Cashman

This article examines the influence of the European Union (EU) on the development and implementation of Romani integration policy in the Czech Republic from the perspective of those responsible for policy delivery. Based on analysis of key policy documents and research conducted in the Czech Republic, this article first examines how Romani integration became a more important issue during membership negotiations and then discusses how the criticism of the European Commission’s Regular Reports was received by those responsible for implementing pro-Romani policies. Finally, the paper assesses how the status of full EU membership has impacted on integration policy. The article concludes that while funding for Romani integration projects has benefitted some groups, the overall impression of the EU is of a remote institution, quick to criticise and unwilling to practise what it preaches.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Kølvraa

This article is part of the special section titled Recursive Easts, Shifting Peripheries, guest edited by Pamela Ballinger. The European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), launched in 2002–2003, was presented as the EU’s way of responding to the Eastern neighbours’ desires for closer ties to the Union. The policy ignored, however, that if such desires did exist they were aimed at full EU membership, rather than at mere neighbourliness. Indeed, the EU’s insistence that the ENP entailed neither a promise of, nor a definite ruling out of, membership, meant that the policy caught the eastern neighbours in a continuous state of ambivalent liminality. This article argues that this ambiguity at the heart of the policy is linked to the rather self-congratulatory idea of EUrope as “the club everybody wants to join,” and thus to a distinction between those who were European (the EU) and those who were inscribed with a desire for becoming European (the neighbours). The neighbours were defined not by their own position but by their desire for the privileged position of the articulating (EUropean) subject. The ENP’s function of arresting the neighbours in a liminal position might as such be understood as a way of continually reproducing and displaying their desire for Europe, a desire which could then be imitated also in the disenchanted populations of the EU itself.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672198936
Author(s):  
Lene Hansen ◽  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Katrine Emilie Andersen

The European refugee crisis has been communicated visually through images such as those of Alan Kurdi lying dead on the beach, by body bags on the harbor front of Lampedusa, by people walking through Europe and by border guards and fences. This article examines the broader visual environment within which EU policy-making took place from October 2013 to October 2015. It identifies ‘tragedy’ as the key term used by the EU to explain its actions and decisions and points out that discourses of humanitarianism and border control were both in place. The article provides a theoretical account of how humanitarianism and border control might be visualized by news photography. Adopting a multi-method design and analyzing a dataset of more than 1000 photos, the article presents a visual discourse analysis of five generic iconic motifs and a quantitative visual content analysis of shifts and continuity across four moments in time. The article connects these visual analyses to the policies and discourses of the EU holding that the ambiguity of the EU’s discourse was mirrored by the wider visual environment.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksander Lust

In referenda held in 2003, over 90% of Lithuanians supported joining the European Union (EU), while only two-thirds of Estonians did. Why? This article shows that Lithuanians and Estonians had different economic expectations about the EU. Most Lithuanians hoped that EU membership would help Lithuania overcome its economic backwardness and isolation. By contrast, many Estonians worried that the accession would reinforce Estonia's underdevelopment and dependency on the West. I argue that these expectations reflected the two countries' strategies of economic reform. Lithuania sold state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to their managers and continued to trade heavily with Russia, which slowed down the modernization of its economy. Estonia sold SOEs to foreigners and reoriented its trade rapidly from Russia to the West, which hurt its traditional sectors (particularly agriculture) and infrastructure.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos A. Kyriazis ◽  
Emmanouil M. L. Economou

Although unconventional measures by the ECB have been very extensive so as to fortify the Eurozone’s financial system the question of whether more drastic measures are necessary, is at the forefront of newly aroused academic debate. This paper’s main effort is to conceptualize helicopter drops in the Eurozone before hindsight in order to shed some light on how feasible are more drastic measures for the Eurozone and how they could further attenuate moral hazard problems. An early understanding of overt money financing will help in better driving monetary policy and emphasize whether the benefits of more and free money printing could bring about a heal for the wreckages of the EU membership status.


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Johnson

AbstractThis article explores issues of energy supply security from the perspective of the EU–Russian energy relationship and of competing foreign energy policy paradigms. Using approaches developed by Peter Rutland within the context of Russia's energy policy towards the CIS and the three pillars of EU energy policy as a starting point, the article concludes that the overall EU–Russian energy relationship can be best explained through a framework of mutual interest and dependency: that is, the EU is becoming increasingly, but not totally, dependent on Russian energy, particularly gas; and Russia is becoming increasingly, but not totally, dependent on European markets. Nevertheless, other paradigms continue to yield useful insights in relation to individual components of the EU–Russian energy relationship.


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