The Socioeconomic Covariates of Violent and Property Crime Rates in Azerbaijan

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-529
Author(s):  
Ingilab Shahbazov ◽  
Zaur Afandiyev

Abstract The majority of the studies exploring the relationship between socioeconomic factors and crime levels are confined to major industrialized nations. As a post-Soviet, transitional economy with a predominantly Muslim population, Azerbaijan provides a different setting to explore how socioeconomic indicators affect police-recorded violent and property crime levels across cities and districts. This study finds a positive relationship between GRP per capita, the proportion of pupils admitted to university and population size property crime levels. The relationship was linear in all cases. The geographical units with more social benefit (pensions, disability, and family care) recipients had lower acquisitive crime levels, though the significance was marginal. The higher the number of targeted social assistance recipients for poverty alleviation is, the higher the rate of violent crime is, which differs from the findings of similar previous studies. Overall, socioeconomic predictors were significantly better in explaining variations for offences against the property (r=.481) than violent crimes (r=.073). These findings suggest that different crime types are better explained by different economic indicators in the Azerbaijani context. Furthermore, the study shows that most of the covariates function in ways which are observed in the societies covered by the literature.

2020 ◽  
pp. 126-142
Author(s):  
Sherry N. Mong

This chapter proposes how positive change can be made for families who are enacting skilled medical labor. Caregivers' journeys with care recipients reflect varied experiences in interactions with medical professionals and in the training they receive. Though many caregivers experience feelings of anxiety and worry, they say they “do what they have to do” to provide care for those they love. It is the relationship with the care recipient that motivates their labor, and despite some ambivalent feelings, many have strong feelings against institutionalization. Positive change can be made for families who are enacting skilled medical labor and improve the work process for caregivers, care recipients, and nurses alike through robust national policies that support family care work are in order. Home support would also increase the confidence of caregivers and reduce emotional burdens by having credentialed nurses and health care professionals make regular home visits and providing more in-home support are essential. Adequate work leave policies for families should also be in place. The financial needs of caregivers should be considered, including their loss of jobs and income. The existing policies have been fragmented, state driven, targeted only to certain care recipients and their caregivers, and highly dependent on complicated Medicaid waivers. It is time to recognize and compensate caregivers for the work they do and to make sure that care recipients also have adequate support.


Author(s):  
Clara Egger ◽  
Raul Magni-Berton

Abstract A recently published paper in this journal (Choi, 2021) establishes a statistical link between, on the one hand, Islamist terrorist campaigns – including terrorist attacks and online propaganda – and, on the other the growth of the Muslim population. The author explains this result by stating that successful campaigns lead some individuals to convert to Islam. In this commentary, we intend to reply to this article by focusing on the impact of terrorist attacks on religious conversion. We first show that Choi's results suffer from theoretical flaws – a failure to comprehensively unpack the link between violence and conversion – and methodological shortcomings – a focus on all terrorist groups over a period where Islamist attacks were rare. This leads us to replicate Choi's analysis by distinguishing Islamist and non-Islamist terror attacks on a more adequate timeframe. By doing so, we no longer find empirical support for the relationship between terror attacks and the growth of the Muslim population. However, our analyses suggest that such a hypothesis may hold but only in contexts where the level and intensity of political violence are high.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiang Yin ◽  
Zhiyi Meng ◽  
Xin Yi ◽  
Yong Wang ◽  
Xia Hua

AbstractChina has made great efforts to alleviate poverty in rural ethnic minority areas and targeted achieving the poverty-alleviation task by the end of 2020. Aba, Ganzi, and Liangshan, three of the poorest ethnic prefectures in Sichuan Province, Southwest China, have all implemented “Internet+” tactics since 2013, which have had the positive effect of increasing family revenues by improving communication infrastructure and encouraging the large-scale use of e-commerce. This paper aims to comprehensively investigate whether “Internet+” tactics play a key role in poverty alleviation in Sichuan’s rural ethnic minority areas and to propose further measures to enhance the efficiency of e-commerce practice. To this end, we conduct an analysis using the framework of classic growth theory and use panel data from 2000 to 2018 to examine the relationship between Communication Infrastructure Investment (CII) and a set of poverty-alleviation indicators, including local GDP growth rate (LGGR), local government revenue (LGR), and per-capita income of residents (PCIR). The results indicate that strengthening CII improves the PCIR and local economic growth, playing a key role in poverty alleviation. However, the stimulation of CII on LGGR and LGR wanes as time passes. More financial and technical actions will be needed to improve the efficiency and quality of current strategies for sustainable development in those areas.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN E. GOLDSMITH

Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-157
Author(s):  
Mehmed Đečević ◽  
Danijela Vuković-Ćalasan ◽  
Saša Knežević

The purpose of this article is to analyse the dynamics of the process of re-designation of ethnic Muslims as Bosniaks in Montenegro. Through a comparison with the analogous process in Serbia, certain specificities are indicated in the context of Montenegro. In line with the premises of the elite theory, we point to the divergent influence of the socially engaged members of the Slavic Muslim cultural corpus in Montenegro on the process of ethnic self-identification of Slavic Muslims in the country. The willingness of a part of this corpus to adhere to the views of the elite part of the population that opposed the ethnonym “Bosniak,” and insisted on retaining the ethnic designation “Muslim,” is interpreted through the lens of social constructivism. The article indicates the formation of the socio-political constructs of “Montenegrin” and “Muslim” that occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century. These two constructs are interlinked; the former is superior as it has ethnic and ethical-political semantic layers, while the latter is subordinate, and it partially stems from the positive sentiment of Slavic Muslims towards Montenegro as the country they inhabit. The relationship between these constructs interferes with the process of accepting national Bosniakhood in a part of the Muslim population in Montenegro. A comparison of the results from the last two population censuses in Montenegro indicates a trend of acceptance of the ethnonym “Bosniak” among the Slavic Muslim population in Montenegro. However, given the slow dynamics of the process, affected by the continuous exposure to factors that increase its complexity, national divergence of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro will most likely prevail.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292199124
Author(s):  
Moamen Gouda ◽  
Shimaa Hanafy

There is an ongoing debate on the relationship between Islam and (lack of) democracy. Considerable literature shows that Islam, represented as an informal institution by Muslim population share, has a negative effect on democracy. This study examines the effects of formal institutions, specifically constitutions that prescribe Islamic law ( Shari’a) as a source of legislation, on democracy. We use a newly developed coding of the degree to which Islam is incorporated in constitutions. Our empirical results show that the constitutional entrenchment of Islamic law has a negative and significant effect on democracy. Our findings are robust to using different estimators and instrumental variable regressions, employing alternative measures of democracy and controlling for Muslim population, natural resource wealth, and additional control variables. While we show that Islamic constitutionalism is a reason for a democracy deficit in Muslim-majority countries, we find no evidence that Islam is inimical to democracy when not entrenched in the constitution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-23
Author(s):  
Mirna Yusuf

ABSTRACT:So far, the literature that looks at the relationship between community organizations and the Covid-19 pandemic tends to see community organizations only as subjects that have a big influence and role in helping the community to deal with Covid-19. However, no one has seen the relationship between community organizations and the Covid-19 pandemic by seeing community organizations as objects of the presence of the pandemic. So that researchers want to see further how community organizations deal with the Covid-19 pandemic as a disaster. More specifically, researchers want to analyze the adaptation of community organizations to the presence of Covid-19 as part of organizational disaster management. This will then be seen in more detail by taking one of the cases in a community organization based on empowerment in the fields of education and poverty alleviation, namely Project Child Indonesia. The topic of organizational adaptation will be the main topic of this paper.   ABSTRAK:Selama ini literatur yang melihat hubungan organisasi masyarakat dengan pandemi Covid-19 cendrung melihat organisasi masyarakat hanya sebagai subjek yang memiliki pengaruh dan peran besar dalam membantu masyarakat untuk menangani Covid-19. Akan tetapi belum ada yang melihat hubungan organisasi masyarakat dan pandemi Covid-19 dengan melihat organisasi masyarakat sebagai objek dari hadirnya pandemi tersebut. Sehingga peneliti ingin melihat lebih lanjut bagaimana organisasi masyarakat dalam menghadapi pandemi Covid-19 sebagai sebuah bencana. Lebih khusus peneliti ingin menganalisis adaptasi organisasi masyarakat terhdap hadirnya Covid-19 sebagai bagian dari manajemen bencana organisasi. Hal ini kemudian akan dilihat lebih rinci dengan mengambil salah satu kasus pada organsasi masyarakat yang berbasis pada pemberdayaan di bidang pendidikan dan pengentasan kemiskinan yaitu Project Child Indonesia. Topik mengenai adaptasi organisasi akan menjadi topik bahasan utama tulisan ini.


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