Islamic Constitutions and Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292199124
Author(s):  
Moamen Gouda ◽  
Shimaa Hanafy

There is an ongoing debate on the relationship between Islam and (lack of) democracy. Considerable literature shows that Islam, represented as an informal institution by Muslim population share, has a negative effect on democracy. This study examines the effects of formal institutions, specifically constitutions that prescribe Islamic law ( Shari’a) as a source of legislation, on democracy. We use a newly developed coding of the degree to which Islam is incorporated in constitutions. Our empirical results show that the constitutional entrenchment of Islamic law has a negative and significant effect on democracy. Our findings are robust to using different estimators and instrumental variable regressions, employing alternative measures of democracy and controlling for Muslim population, natural resource wealth, and additional control variables. While we show that Islamic constitutionalism is a reason for a democracy deficit in Muslim-majority countries, we find no evidence that Islam is inimical to democracy when not entrenched in the constitution.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801881823 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O’Brochta

The relationship between natural resource wealth and civil conflict remains unclear, despite prolonged scholarly attention. Conducting a meta-analysis—a quantitative literature review—can help synthesize this broad and disparate field to provide clearer directions for future research. Meta-analysis tools determine both the aggregate effect of natural resources on conflict and whether any particular ways in which variables are measured systematically bias the estimated effect. I conduct a meta-analysis using sixty-nine studies from sixty-two authors. I find that there is no aggregate relationship between natural resources and conflict. Most variation in variable measurement does not alter the estimated effect. However, measuring natural resource wealth using Primary Commodity Exports and including controls for mountainous terrain and ethnic fractionalization all do significantly impact the results. These findings suggest that it may be worth exploring more nuanced connections between natural resources and conflict instead of continuing to study the overall relationship.


Author(s):  
Jędrzej George Frynas

Historically, a key purpose of sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) has been to help manage and minimize a range of negative economic and political consequences of natural resource wealth, often lumped together as the “resource curse.” This chapter asks to what extent SWFs—specifically “resource funds”—can mitigate the resource curse. It discusses the available empirical evidence for the effectiveness of resource funds as well as the relationship between societal governance and the effectiveness of resource funds. The available findings suggest that wider societal governance is of significantly greater importance for tackling the resource curse than the existence of a resource fund. Bad governance in a country prevents even the most transparent and robust resource funds from becoming an effective policy instrument. Conversely, resource funds can be successful in countries with effective societal institutions such as sound fiscal rules, good quality of government budget documentation, free civil society and independent media.


Author(s):  
Iqbal Maulana Yuni RosLaili

The implementation of the Islamic Law in Aceh received recognition from the Government of Indonesia since 1959 based on the Decree of the Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Indonesia No. 1 / Missi / 1959. Since then until the enactment of the BAL in 2006, several aspects of national law have become different in Aceh. This then sparked controversy, especially regarding the position of Non-Muslims and religious freedom. This article tries to explain how the application of Islamic Law in Aceh in relation to the Non-Muslim population and its solution. The study found that the relationship between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Aceh, especially in the social aspects of society, took place harmoniously. The application of Islamic Law in Aceh only applies to Muslims and there is no coercion for Non-Muslims. In this case, according to the author, it also offers the concept of "Conducted by Waliya Dien" in addressing religious plurality in Aceh, and the attitude of making Pancasila as "Kalimatun Sawa’ in the corridors of living in a state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Zemzem ◽  
Khaoula Ftouhi

We have attempted to theorize and empirically demonstrate the moderating effects of three external monitors (institutional investors, securities analysts, and external auditors) on the relationship between tax planning and firm performance. We propose that these monitors can affect either the form or the strength of that relationship. Data cover 73 companies listed in the Euronext 100 index for the period from 2008 to 2012. Empirical analyses are conducted using various statistical tools to identify the presence of moderator variables. Most importantly, results showed that institutional investors, securities analysts and external auditors moderate the form of the tax planning-performance relationship; it appears they involve themselves directly in the firms’ tax decisions. Interestingly, we find evidence that these external monitors moderate the strength of the tax planning-performance relationship; that is, they may indirectly influence the effectiveness of firm tax strategic. Our results are insensitive to alternative measures of firm performance, to additional control variables and to alternative specifications. Our paper offers two contributions to corporate governance research. First, against a backdrop of increased attention on firms’ tax planning, it provides empirical evidences concerning the nature and significance of the potential moderating effects of select external monitors on the relationship between tax planning and firm performance. Second, there is little attention about external monitors in research studies. In fact, this issue is not addressed in the literature within a European context using recent data.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 235-238
Author(s):  
Makhmudova Nigora Baratovna

The article discusses the role and place of a Muslim woman in Turkestan based on the audit of Senator K.K.Palen, conducted in 1908-1909. She studied and did not collect the Muslim congress to discuss the code of Muslim laws, namely: representatives of the local Muslim clergy, theologians and jurists. The article discusses the relationship to the family, to the woman and a comparison of the Muslim and European family from the point of view of the European KK Palen and other representatives of the European intelligentsia. It is noted that Senator KK.Palen was the first Tsarist official who decided to hold a Muslim congress and as a result prepared a special report entitled “Sharia articles translated into Russian about the legal relations of the Muslim population of the Turkestan Territory, extracted from the indigenous, Arabic presentation, on issues proposed by Senator Count KK.Palen to discuss the commission of scientists natives convened from three regions of the region in Tashkent”.            Based on the results of the KK.Palen audit reports, an analysis of Islamic law - Sharia and Adat (rules of nomadic population) was carried out. Considered the rights of Muslim women under Muslim law - Sharia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shmuel Nili

My aim in this essay is to advance discussion of how to justify the sacrifices that reforms combating global poverty might entail for the world’s better-off. I begin from the assumption that we should not try to motivate such sacrifices solely through the hope that they will produce significant poverty gains. Instead, we should also explore whether the affluent actually have compelling moral claims to the goods that they might be asked to relinquish as part of certain global reforms. This alternative strategy forms the background for my discussion of two influential global reform proposals. The first proposal is to tax the natural resource wealth enjoyed by various affluent countries in order to ameliorate global poverty. The second proposal is to prohibit the resource corporations based in affluent democracies from purchasing natural resources controlled by extreme kleptocrats. I argue that once we examine the relationship between these proposals from a sacrifice-sensitive perspective, we find that they genuinely conflict with each other, and that there are sacrifice-related reasons to put aside the canonical proposal for a global redistribution of natural resource wealth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Doli Witro

Indonesia is well-known as a Muslim majority. However, this does not make Indonesia as an Islamic country. The relationship between religion and state in Islam is fairly interpretive and it nowadays still becomes a debate. The government system applied in this country is democratic. Besides, there has to freedom for the ulama in preaching without being limited by space and time. A number of ulama are currently being persecuted and intimidated that impacts to the lecture to be either stopped, postponed, or even canceled. At this part, the role of the umara (government) is required in enforcing the applicable law and also maintaining security and order in society. This paper aims to highlight the relationship between religion and state in Indonesian by observing the position of the ulama and the role of the umara in terms of Indonesian government. This paper used a qualitative approach to literature research. The data in this study was obtained from library materials. Data analysis methods used in this study were data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. The results of the analysis showed that in Indonesia there is a separation between religion and state as the secularistic paradigm. However, it is not completely secularistic because in national legal system there is also a transformation of Islamic law. Religious and state affairs are not able to be separated, so are ulama and umara. It is because the state will experience a crisis in religious knowledge without ulama. Otherwise, without umara, religion cannot be implemented correctly within the country.Indonesia merupakan negara yang berpenduduk mayoritas Islam. Namun bukan berarti Indonesia adalah negara Islam. Hubungan agama dan negara dalam Islam cukup banyak penafsiran. Dalam Islam, hal ini masih menjadi perdebatan sampai saat ini. Sistem pemerintahan yang diterapkan di Indonesia saat ini adalah sistem demokrasi. Terlepas dari sistem tersebut, tentu harus memberikan kebebasan para ulama dalam berdakwah tanpa dibatasi oleh ruang dan waktu. Saat ini, ada ulama yang dipersekusi dan diintimidasi sehingga ceramah yang hendak dilaksanakan terpaksa dihentikan, ditunda, bahkan dibatalkan. Disinilah diperlukan peran umara (pemerintah) dalam menegakkan hukum yang berlaku dan juga menjaga keamanan serta ketertiban di masyarakat. Tulisan ini bertujuan menyoroti relasi agama dan negara dalam konteks Indonesia dengan melihat kedudukan ulama dan peran umara dalam pemerintahan Indonesia. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode pendekatan kualitatif yang bersifat penelitian pustaka. Data-data dalam penelitian ini diperoleh dari bahan-bahan yang bersifat pustaka Metode analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan di Indonesia terjadi pemisahan antara agama dan negara sebagaimana paradigma sekuleristik. Tetapi disini tidak sepenuhnya sekularistik karena pada hukum nasional Indonesia juga terjadi transformasi hukum Islam. Urusan agama dan negara tidak dapat dipisahkan. Begitu juga dengan ulama dan umara tidak dapat dipisahkan karena tanpa ulama maka negara akan mengalami krisis ilmu agama dan tanpa umara maka agama tidak bisa diterapkan secara sempurna dalam suatu negara.


Author(s):  
Christie S. Warren

The Constitution of Madinah, written by the Prophet after his flight from Mecca and arrival in Madinah (622 ce/1 ah), is considered by many to be the first written constitution. Nevertheless, and although Islamic law has developed in rich detail since then in a number of other areas, constitutionalism remains a comparatively underdeveloped area of Islamic law. Only recently has this started to change. Since 2011 and in part due to events of the so-called Arab Spring, the topic of Islam and constitutions has been the subject of heightened interest. In recent years, a number of Muslim-majority countries, including Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, and Palestine, have embarked upon constitutional processes, and the relationship between Islam and the state has been debated in each of them. A variety of models has emerged over time; whereas in Saudi Arabia the Qur’an serves as the constitution itself, in Egypt Shari’ah is the principal source of legislation. Similarly, while the 2012 draft constitution of Libya states that Islam shall be the state religion and Islamic Shari’ah the main source of legislation, the constitution of Iraq provides that no law contradicting established provisions of Islam may be enacted. Language in the Afghan constitution is even more precise and states that Afghanistan is an Islamic republic, that no law shall contravene the tenets and provisions of Islam, and that in the absence of specific constitutional or legislative language governing the disposition of a case, courts shall implement principles of Hanafi jurisprudence. In similar fashion, academic scholarship analyzing the relationship between Islam and constitutionalism has increased in scope and vibrancy in recent years. Historically, scholarship in this field tended to focus on issues relating to governance and administrative structures in Muslim-majority countries—not on normative constitutional principles. More recently, Islamic perspectives on constitutional norms have become the focus of significant scholarship. Some constitutional issues of recent academic interest include state sponsorship of a particular religion to the exclusion of others, freedom to practice Islam and other religions, and options for articulating the role of Shari’ah within constitutional frameworks, including the use of supremacy and repugnancy clauses, the role of Shari’ah as a source of legislation, “Shari’ah checks” to ensure that legislation does not contravene Islamic law, review by Shura Councils, and the role of the judicial branch in interpreting Islamic law. Additional constitutional issues impacted by defined relationships between Shari’ah and the state include human and women’s rights, protection of religious minorities; criminal law and hudud punishments; finance law and restrictions on charging interest; rights of freedom of association, expression, and expression; and provisions governing marriage, divorce and inheritance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 275-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anver M. Emon

This article repositions historigraphically a particular thesis in Islamic legal studies that characterizes Islamic law as utterly incompatible with codification, and by implication the modern administrative state. This article departs from that argument by situating codification efforts in Muslim majority polities alongside other efforts at codification, specifically 19th century Germany and the United States. The article shows that the thesis of incompatibility relies on a constricted reading of the “Islamic”, an overdetermined conception of the state, and an under-appreciation of the populist-cum-democratic ideology that animates the thesis in the first place. A more fruitful way forward is to reify the “state” rather than rarefy it as a theophanic specter. To better appreciate the relationship between Islamic law and codification, the argument suggests, requires that scholars attend to the “state” while resituating the history of the “Islamic” in terms of a history of the “legal”.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-72
Author(s):  
Morteza Karimi-Nia

The status of tafsīr and Qur'anic studies in the Islamic Republic of Iran has changed significantly during recent decades. The essay provides an overview of the state of Qur'anic studies in Iran today, aiming to examine the extent of the impact of studies by Western scholars on Iranian academic circles during the last three decades and the relationship between them. As in most Islamic countries, the major bulk of academic activity in Iran in this field used to be undertaken by the traditional ʿulamāʾ; however, since the beginning of the twentieth century and the establishment of universities and other academic institutions in the Islamic world, there has been increasing diversity and development. After the Islamic Revolution, many gradual changes in the structure and approach of centres of religious learning and universities have occurred. Contemporary advancements in modern sciences and communications technologies have gradually brought the institutions engaged in the study of human sciences to confront the new context. As a result, the traditional Shīʿī centres of learning, which until 50 years ago devoted themselves exclusively to the study of Islamic law and jurisprudence, today pay attention to the teaching of foreign languages, Qur'anic sciences and exegesis, including Western studies about the Qur'an, to a certain extent, and recognise the importance of almost all of the human sciences of the West.


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