The Archaeological Collection of the Yalta Historical-Literary Museum

1996 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-123
Author(s):  
Nataliya G. Novichenkova

AbstractFounded in 1892 and now containing ca. 11,000 pieces, the Yalta museum draws on pre-Revolutionary private collections, especially of Classical objects obtained locally and abroad, as well as on objects associated with the Mountain and Southern regions of the Crimea, acquired more systematically as a result of archaeological excavations and chance finds in the region. The most important pre-Revolutionary collection, that of Grand Prince Alexander Mikhajlovich, still contains-despite the destruction of WW II-more than 50 amphoras and 500 other ceramic pieces, especially of Archaic Corinthian and Samian ware. The museum houses many finds from pre-War excavations, e.g. from the Balim-Kosh site (ca. 20,000 Neolithic artefacts) and from the Roman legionary fortress at Charax. The creation after WW II of an Archaeological Department of the Museum has led to a 5-fold increase in the size of its collection. This now includes finds from late classical and early medieval burial grounds (Aj-Todor, Alushta, Druzhnoe, Verkhynaya Oreandal, the Gothic necropolis near Goluboj Zaliv, and the Mesolithic complex of Cape of Trinity I. The most important addition has been of more than 5000 objects from the sanctuary excavated in the past decade at the pass of Gurzufskoe Sedlo, which was in use from the Stone Age to the late Middle Ages. Its heyday was 1st cent. B.C.-1st cent. A.D. and from this period date the overwhelming majority of finds of bronze and silver statuettes, glass, metal instruments, ceramics, arms and coins. Such material provides a rare insight into all of the main phases of Crimean history and coins and other objects from the site have formed the subject of a recent exhibition in the museum.

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Voulgaropoulou

Although traditionally associated with Eastern Christianity, the practice of venerating icons became deeply rooted in the Catholic societies of the broad Adriatic region from the Late Middle Ages onwards and was an indispensable part of everyday popular piety. The evidence lies in the massive amount of icons located today in public and private collections throughout the Italian Peninsula, Croatia, Slovenia, and Montenegro. At a time when Greeks were branded as “schismatics”, and although the Byzantine maniera greca had become obsolete in Western European art, icon painting managed to survive at the margins of the Renaissance, and ultimately went through its own renaissance in the sixteenth century. Omnipresent in Catholic households, icons were very often donated to churches as votive offerings and were gradually transformed into the focal points of collective public devotion. Through the combined study of visual evidence, archival records and literary sources, this article will shed light on the socio-political, confessional, and artistic dynamics that allowed for Byzantine or Byzantinizing icons to gain unprecedented popularity throughout the Catholic milieus of the Late Medieval and Early Modern Adriatic, and become integrated into domestic and public devotional practices.


Author(s):  
Р.М. Мунчаев

Сборник составлен по материалам, представленным на Международную на- учную конференцию по археологии Северного Кавказа «Кавказ в системе куль- турных связей Евразии в древности и средневековье» – XXX «Крупновские чте- ния». Тематика докладов отражает широкий круг проводимых археологических исследований, охватывающих хронологический диапазон от каменного века до позднего средневековья. The collection was compiled from the materials presented at the International Scientific Conference on the Archeology of the North Caucasus «The Caucasus in the System of Cultural Relations of Eurasia in the ancient time and the Middle Ages» – XXX «Krupnovsky Readings». The subject of the reports reflect a wide range of ongoing archaeological studies covering the chronological range from the Stone Age to the late Middle Ages.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Kogen

Le livre d’Heures McGill, MS 156 n’a jamais fait objet d’une étude scientifique exhaustive, hormis quelques notices plaçant son élaboration en Franche-Comté ou en Bourgogne après 1450. En effet, ce manuscrit offre plusieurs difficultés d’identification et d’interprétation. Ainsi, le caractère composite de ses textes liturgiques, tout en pointant vers l’Est de la France, rend opaque la définition de son usage ; son décor, partiellement détérioré et mutilé, ne fut jamais lié à un atelier particulier ; son hagiographie se réfère à un horizon cultuel apparemment hétéroclite. Nous tenterons de relever ces défis grâce à une analyse détaillée des dimensions codicologique, hagiographique, liturgique et artistique de ce manuscrit, laquelle mènera à de nouvelles hypothèses concernant l’usage liturgique, les circonstances de l’élaboration et la datation de ce livre d’Heures. De même, nous proposerons d’associer le décor de ce manuscrit à l’atelier d’un des enlumineurs les plus intéressants de l’Est français de la fin du Moyen Âge. The Book of Hours McGill, MS 156 has never been the subject of an exhaustive scientific study apart from some notices placing its production in Franche-Comté or Burgundy after 1450. In fact, this manuscript includes many challenges of identification and interpretation. While pointing toward the east of France, the composite character of these liturgical texts makes it difficult to define its usage; its illumination, partially deteriorated and mutilated, was never linked to a particular workshop, and its hagiography pertains to a seemingly incongruous religious background. We will attempt to remedy these issues by means of a detailed analysis of the codicological, hagiographical, and artistic dimensions of this manuscript, which will lead to a new hypothesis concerning its liturgical usage, the circumstances of its production, and the date of this Book of Hours. Likewise, we will propose to associate the decoration of this manuscript with the workshop of one of the most interesting illuminators of eastern France during the late Middle Ages.


Queeste ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-70
Author(s):  
Ann Kelders

Abstract The Royal Library of Belgium (kbr) has opened a new permanent museum showcasing the historical core of its collections: the luxurious manuscript library of the dukes of Burgundy. Centred around a late medieval chapel that is part of kbr’s present-day building, the museum introduces visitors to medieval book production, the historical context of the late medieval Low Countries, and the subject matter of the ducal library. The breadth of the dukes’ (and their wives’!) interests is reflected in the manuscripts that have come down to us, ranging from liturgical books over philosophical treatises to courtly literature. The Museum places late medieval book production squarely in its historical and artistic context. Visitors are not only introduced to the urban culture that provided a fruitful meeting place between artists, craftsmen, and patrons, but also to the broader artistic culture of the late Middle Ages. By presenting the manuscripts in dialogue with other forms of art such as panel paintings and sculpture, the exhibition stresses that artists at times moved between various media (e.g. illumination and painting) and were influenced by iconography in other forms of art.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (40) ◽  
pp. 20-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerome Moran

Did educated people in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance use Latin routinely (Medieval Latin and Neo-Latin), rather than a regional vernacular, to conduct real-life conversations about ordinary, everyday matters? Were they taught how to do this in the schools of the day with the help of specimen written dialogues (colloquia)? Did their teachers use a Renaissance equivalent of the ‘direct method’, and did they teach Latin in the way that modern foreign languages are taught today? Or was spoken Latin, with a simulacrum of practical relevance to everyday life, a way of ‘bringing the subject to life’, an enjoyable diversion from the standard pedagogical fare (the ‘grammar grind’)? These are the questions that this article addresses. I argue that Latin was not generally used for everyday conversations, and that students were not taught how to conduct them outside the classroom any more than they are today, though spoken Latin was used as a medium for teaching and learning Latin, as it is to some extent today. Since Latin was not the first language of any native speaker, and since it was learned as a language primarily for reading and writing, comparisons with the teaching of modern foreign languages are specious. I also argue that spoken Latin today, as a pedagogical tool, is best kept out of the classroom and used, if it must be used, as a hobby or a pastime. It has limited usefulness as a means of learning Latin to a meaningful level (a level at which the learner can engage with original Latin texts). And the kind of Latin that is spoken in the classroom, an attempt to render a spoken form of Classical Latin, however ‘correct’ it may be grammatically and phonologically (and the grammar and phonology even of Classical Latin changed over time), is most unlikely to have been spoken routinely in the same kind of informal situations by an educated (one who is adept in Classical Latin) native speaker of Latin. In fact, the more ‘correct’ it is, the less likely it is to resemble authentic everyday spoken Latin, even of the educated elite that learned Classical Latin. This is even more the case after Classical Latin came increasingly to be different from the contemporary Latin that anyone spoke, and had increasingly to be learned from grammar books as if it were a second language. What Quintilian says of written Latin may be said of educated spoken Latin too: aliud est Latine, aliud grammatice scribere.


2007 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Christopher Joby

There are several ways whereby medieval theories of vision may have contributed to the rise of practices some saw as idolatrous. A feature of much medieval art is the rise of naturalistic representation. This process was facilitated by the use of linear perspective, based ultimately on Euclid's visual cone. We are told its application led viewers to confuse a representation with its object. The theory of extramission influenced medieval piety profoundly. First, by suggesting that the eye emits a ray and ‘touches’ its object, it led worshippers to believe that seeing the Eucharistic host had a salvific effect. This may have led them to think that seeing images of saints or God had a similar effect. Second, by implying that the subject was active in the process of seeing, it underpinned Augustine's theory of vision, whereby one trained the eye to access the invisible through the visible. However, as he was aware, the untrained eye could linger on physical objects and want to possess them. Finally, there was much debate about how visual information was mediated. Some argued that it was transmitted by intermediate bodies. The parallels between their language and that used by iconophobes to describe the images they rejected are striking and merit further investigation. Others argued that the viewer had direct access to the object. This understanding, when combined with the idea that seeing equates to knowing, may have led worshippers to believe that seeing an image of God meant they might in some sense know him.


1994 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 243-260
Author(s):  
Shulamith Shahar

THE main sources for the boy bishop’s feast are available in print. These include sections in ceremonial- and service-books, cathedral statutes, councils’ decrees,compotus, that is, accounts of the gifts and offerings of money the boy bishop received, as well as his expenses, household books that include registrations of the expenses for the annual entertainment of the boy bishop and his retinue, as well as two sermons the boy bishop delivered. Chambers, in hisMedieval Stage, first published in 1903, dedicated a detailed description to the feast. A short reference to the feast appears in most research works on medieval schools and a number of articles have also been published on the subject. I’ll thus refer to the origins of the feast, but describe it only briefly, disregarding variations between places, and then turn to the subject of my paper: the boy bishop’s feast, as reflecting the image of childhood, attitudes towards childhood, and medieval educational conceptions. These are expressed in the feast itself and more clearly in the sermons written by adults to be delivered by the boy bishop.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Παντελής ΧΑΡΑΛΑΜΠΑΚΗΣ

<font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 10pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 14.2pt" class="MsoNormal"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">In the present study the author tries to examine two medieval place names of the Crimea: Aloustou (Ἀ</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&lambda;&omicron;ύ&sigma;&tau;&omicron;&upsilon;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">) and Parthenitai (</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&Pi;&alpha;&rho;&theta;&epsilon;&nu;ί&tau;&alpha;&iota;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">). The Greek name Aloustou is in genitive and it should originally be a place name formed by a personal name or rather a nick name aloustos (ἄ</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&lambda;&omicron;&upsilon;&sigma;&tau;&omicron;&sigmaf;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">). In the late Middle Ages the name changed to Alusta (Ἀ</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&lambda;&omicron;ύ&sigma;&tau;&alpha;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">), thus becoming a female one. The loss of the initial a- in the name (Lusta) attested in some Latin and Italian documents can be explained. The name Parthenitai (in plural) is actually a place name formed by an ethnic name Parthenitai. The ethnic name derived from a place name Parthenion (</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&Pi;&alpha;&rho;&theta;έ&nu;&iota;&omicron;&nu;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">). In the late Middle Ages the name Parthenitai also changed to a female one, Parthenita (</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">&Pi;&alpha;&rho;&theta;&epsilon;&nu;ί&tau;&alpha;</span><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Palatino Linotype','serif'; font-size: 12pt">). </span></p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font>


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 286-295
Author(s):  
Murtazali S. Gadzhiev ◽  
Emma D. Zilivinskaya ◽  
Sergey A. Kulakov ◽  
Sergey N. Savenko ◽  
Vladimir R. Erlikh

The article presents information about the International Scientific Conference XXXI Krupnov's readings "Archaeological Heritage of the Caucasus: Topical Problems of Study and Conservation," which was held on October 26-31, 2020 in Makhachkala, Republic of Daghestan. The conference was dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Krupnov's readings and the 50th anniversary of the Derbent archaeological expedition. The conference was attended by scientists from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Ghent, Grozny, Maykop, Makhachkala, Nazran, Nalchik, Oxford, Pushchino, Pyatigorsk, Tyumen, Stavropol, Sukhum, Vladikavkaz. At the beginning of the conference, a collection of conference materials was published, which included 141 publications of reports by more than 210 authors. The subject of the reports reflected a wide range of archaeological studies, covering the chronological range from the Stone Age to the Late Middle Ages.


Author(s):  
Olena Chumachenko

The purpose of the article consists of exploring carnival as a form of “Entertainment” in Renaissance discourse. The research methodology consists in the application of analytical method - to determine the theoretical and methodological foundations of the study of the phenomenon of "Entertainment" in the discourse of Renaissance; formalization method - to formulate the concept of "Entertainment" within the subject field of art; we use historical and cultural method for studying the phenomenon of «Entertainment» as a form of individualization of collective experience on the example of carnival in the context of the Renaissance discourse. The scientific novelty of the work is that for the first time the essence of the phenomenon of “Entertainment” as a form of individualization of collective experience on the example of carnival in the context of the Renaissance culture. Conclusions. Since the late Middle Ages, the carnival has become a prominent phenomenon in the culture of laughter, offering an antithesis to the religious attitudes that monopolized culture and art. Carnival, as a form of «Entertainment» in the discourse of the Renaissance, contributes to the identification of laughter elements in the culture of the Renaissance and helps to determine the significance of the laughter aspects of socio-cultural processes for society as a whole. The body image, as the main image of the carnival, creates a tendency for organizing "mass laughter", that is, a category that is actively used in our time on the example of the KVN format, which has become all-encompassing in modern society. Carnival, from the point of view of the cognitive perspectives of historical and anthropological research, outlines the features of the mentality of a Renaissance person. The carnival, as a form of «Entertainment», created conditions for the individualization of the collective experience, which was reflected in the culture of laughter, that is, «another reality» at certain times every year. Carnival formulated a concentrated universalistic formula for life and historical process. A street style of speech and imagery was formed, which became the «implementation» of the opposition to the official culture of the Renaissance.


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