Communist Authorities and Missionary Activities in Poland, 1945-1990s

2009 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-310
Author(s):  
Jaroslaw Rozanski

AbstractMissionary activities were very strong in Poland before the Second World War. The establishment of a Communist regime after 1945 led to a break in the number of missionaries sent worldwide and, soon after, to a liquidation of all missionary institutions in the country. Because the Catholic Church was very strong, the state did not dare to launch an immediate and frontal attack on the church until 1947. From 1948 however, a full-blown campaign against the church began with nationalization, imprisonments and prohibitions, notably of mission activities. After 15 years, however, some forms of compromise between church and state began to appear. This allowed the Church to rebuild its missionary movement – as of 1965. The year 1980 saw the emergence of the Solidarity movement and the begining of the unmaking of Communism. It led to a revitalization of missionary activities and a normalization of church and state relations, particularly after 1989. The present article describes these developments, establishes a chronology and tries a first causal explanation of the decline and subsequent return of missions in Poland. It also looks at the inheritance of the Communist period for the Catholic Church in Poland.

2014 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Emőke Horváth

The paper analyzes the relationship between the Cuban government and the Catholic Church after the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. The struggle of Fidel Castro and his fellow rebels against the Batista dictatorship was supported by a significant number of priests and catholic faithfuls. Three days after the victory of the Ejercito Rebelde, a pastoral letter with the title of Vida Nueva (New Life) was issued by Mons. Enrique Pérez Serantes, the primate of Cuba. This letter is a main source for the interpretation of the Church and State relations at the beginning of the political changes. The analysis of the letter helps to understand the attitude of the Catholic Church toward the new political system and it’s leader, Fidel Castro. After the victory of the revolution, despite the earlier promises, the new Cuban State vigorously opposed the Catholic Church. The new goverment began to weaken its institutional system, and aspired to the elimination of these institutions in some fields.


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (98) ◽  
pp. 159-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eamonn McKee

The singularity of the apparent clash of church and state in 1951 and its easy resolution in 1953 should alert us to the dangers of accepting the perception of events as the reality This paper attempts to explain the complexity of factors that gave rise to the appearance of conflict. The evolution of health policy, the relationship of de Valera and Archbishop McQuaid, the intricate politicking of the first inter-party government, the role of the Knights of St Columbanus, the lobbying of the Private Practitioners’ Group of the Irish Medical Association and the medical profession’s influence with the catholic church and the Irish government — these are some of the factors entangled in the controversy The crisis of 1951, however, provides the touchstone by which one can judge the relevance of any record, and the reader should bear; in mind that the confusion of influences covered here relates ultimately to the illusion of conflict. We must go back to the seminal period, the Emergency — the period of the Second World War — to begin to unravel perception from reality


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Michael W. Homer

In 1852 King Victor Emmanuel’s ministers proposed legislation to recognize civil marriages in the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). This proposal was opposed by Pope Pius IX and other Catholic apologists who argued that it would result in undermining the official status of the Catholic Church and one of the church’s sacraments. Even worse it would mean that Jewish and Protestant marriages would be recognized. This legislation coincided with Mormon missionaries proselytizing in Torino and the public announcement that the church practiced polygamy. Catholic opponents of this legislation argued that even Mormon polygamous marriages would be recognized if the legislation passed. During fierce debates that took place Catholic apologists also claimed that Mormons formed alliances with other Protestant “sects” to push through the civil marriage litigation. The specter of Mormon plural marriages in a civil marriage system continued to be mentioned until civil marriages were finally recognized in 1865.


2006 ◽  
pp. 116-128
Author(s):  
R. Mnozhynska

Before talking about the vision of Orikhov's essence of the relationship between the church and the state, one must first determine what the church is about - Catholic or Orthodox. After all, the thinker lived in Poland when there were still strong, even parity positions of both denominations. He himself was brought up in a family where his father was Catholic and his mother was Orthodox. This was reflected in his mentality: he repeatedly publicly stated the benefits of certain tenets of the Orthodox faith. But most of all he settled on the problem of relations between the Catholic Church and the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 357-363
Author(s):  
Roger Cardinal Etchegaray ◽  
Translated by Mei Lin Chang

Cardinal Etchegaray argues here that the dialogue between church and state, with both parties rooted in sometimes conflicting absolute claims and values, has become more recently a wider-ranging dialogue between the church and a pluralist, relativist liberal society. The very definition of “liberal society” is open to argument, and the church may find elements to commend or oppose in any given definition. Since the nineteenth century the church has often found itself in opposition to various ideas of “liberty,” especially those that represent an idolatry of absolute rights that push aside Christian spiritual and moral concerns. Now that liberalism has become the pervasive model for society, the church finds it may more easily express its critique, with the aim of making society more conducive to allowing people to become fully human. Indeed, the church provides a necessary check on the excesses of liberal society, particularly those of capitalism and democratic populism. Its essential point is the transcendent dimension of the human person—our connection with the divine. The pursuit of economic and political ends needs to be governed by a concern for the ethical, itself founded on the divine. Liberal society will only live up to its own highest aspirations through promoting self-mastery and an awareness that humanity’s freedom is ultimately found only in God.


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-26
Author(s):  
Marek Skwarnicki

The Church and State in Poland are now passing through a period of relaxation. There are innumerable small changes that testify to this, but the most important are these:1. Declarations by representatives of the Party and the Government have stressed equalirv of opportunity for each citizen regardless of his religion. The ultimate criteria in the evaluation of a worker are to be his work outlay, his capabilitv and his knowledge, and not his relationship to the Church.2. The properties of the Catholic Church in the western territories were nationalized in 1961, and since then the Church has been in the position of tenant in that area. Now these properties have been returned. Elsewhere in Poland the Church remains the private owner of sacred objects and of small agricultural plots.3. Talks between the episcopate and the Government, long suspended, have been resumed.4. There has been some liberalization in the policy of taxation of the Church.5. The policy of granting passports has been liberalized, and a greater number of permits are now being given to priests for trips to non-Communist countries either for scholarly purposes or in connection with agencies administered bv them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-171
Author(s):  
Matteo Visioli

AbstractIn Catholic doctrine, church and state are two different and autonomous institutional subjects, but they are mutually linked. Therefore, a believer, as a citizen, is a subject simultaneously of two legal systems; the state is bound to recognize the confessional dimension of its own members, and the church is called to realize its proper ends within a precise political-social context. The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) constitutes for the Catholic Church a point of change and renewal. It did not limit itself to affirming the coexistence of the two systems in their independence, but it declared the necessity of a mutual alliance for the good of citizens and believers.Therefore, the church offers its own contribution to the state, favoring in this way the right to religious liberty; and the state allows the church to establish itself and carry out its proper mission in an institutional form, guaranteeing the protection of the rights of citizens as believers for the free expression of their faith, whether in a private dimension or in an organized form. Vatican II abandons, therefore, the concept of “state religion” in the classic sense of the term, and thus the privilege reserved to one among numerous religious expressions, and opens an authentic collaboration between parties as a prerequisite for the good not only for individual believers and religious organizations, but also for society itself. In particular, religious liberty finds its foundation no longer in the concept of truth (that legitimized the exclusion of other confessions in that they were “not true”), but in the concept of the dignity of the person, which must be protected as such.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-118
Author(s):  
Marek Stępień

After the Second World War communists took over the power in Poland. The main purpose of the ruling party was introducing the principles of Marxist philosophy. In the center of ideological fight was the Roman Catholic Church perceived as serious obstacle or even threat in achieving their goals. In the years 1980-1981, the Polish authorities again declared their will to normalize relations and to reactivate the Joint Commission of the Government and the Episcopate. The communists as the rulers counted on the help of the Church in calming social moods and normalizing the situation after the unrest and strikes that took place at that time. The talks however did not bring any significant effects. Only a few small matters were settled.


Author(s):  
Francisco Antonio de Vasconcelos

Este arigo apresenta o papel de Dom Sebastião Leme, de 1916 a 1942, na reaproximação entre Igreja e Estado, no Brasil. Para uma melhor compreensão do problema, parte-se de um levantamento histórico de como esta relação ocorreu no país, desde a chegada dos portugueses, em 1500, até a Constituição de 1891, que confirmou a separação entre Igreja e Estado com o advento da Proclamação da República. Na sequência, reflete-se sobre a Pastoral de 1916, documento em que Dom Leme, recém nomeado Arcebispo de Olinda, desponta como líder católico capaz de lutar em prol dos interesses da Igreja. Finalmente, mostra-se o papel de Dom Leme, de 1916 a 1942, fundamental para reaproximar a Igreja católica e o Estado Brasileiro. This paper presents the role of Dom Sebastião Leme, 1916-1942, in the rapprochement between Church and State, in Brazil. For a better understanding of the problem, it starts with a historical survey of how this relationship happened in the country since the arrival of the Portuguese in 1500 until the Constitution of 1891 which confirmed the separation of Church and State with the advent of the Republic. It also reflects on the Pastoral of 1916, a document in which Dom Leme, newly appointed Archbishop of Olinda, emerges as Catholic leader fighting for the interests of the Church. Finally, it shows the role carried out by Dom Leme, from 1916 to 1942, which was fundamental to reunite the Catholic Church and the Brazilian State. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive D. Field

Anti-Catholicism has been a feature of British history from the Reformation, but it has been little studied for the period since the Second World War, and rarely using quantitative methods. A thematically-arranged aggregate analysis of around 180 opinion polls among representative samples of adults since the 1950s offers insights into developing attitudes of the British public to Catholics and the Catholic Church. Anti-Catholicism against individual Catholics is found to have diminished. Negativity toward the Catholic Church and its leadership has increased, especially since the Millennium. Generic and specific explanations are offered for these trends, within the context of other manifestations of religious prejudice and other religious changes.


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