The Evolution of Peace Operations in Africa: Trajectories and Trends

2010 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 6-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
de Coning Cedric

The scale of contemporary United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) peace operations in Africa represent a significant shift in the political will of the international community to invest in UN and African peace operations. A macro-pattern has developed where most European and American peace and stability operations are deployed in NATO or European Union (EU) operations in Europe and the Middle-East, whilst most UN peace operations troops are contributed by the developing world and deployed in Africa. However, there is a new willingness in Europe to consider deploying some of its peacekeepers to Africa in EU or UN peace operations. From a UN and African perspective, the USA and Europe have a major political and financial influence on, and stake in, the future of peace operations in Africa. The AU and regional entities like ECOWAS, IGAD and SADC have significantly increased their capacity to undertake and manage peace operations over the last decade. The AU has deployed its first three peace operations, AMIB in Burundi, AMIS in Darfur and AMISOM in Somalia. However, the single most important factor when considering the future of peace operations in Africa is how they are financed, as that determines the size, scope and duration of the missions, and therefore has a direct bearing on their impact. The lack of clear and predictable financial arrangements is now the most important factor hindering the further expansion of African peacekeeping.

POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Haikal Fadhil Anam

<p>The political identity of Islam emerged in a very large wave after the mobilization of time at the Jakarta elections in 2016. This has many implications for various aspects of State life, including the current democracy in Indonesia. In this case, Indonesia is a country that is still in the learning phase of democracy. The political influence of Islamic identity on democracy will make the nation split. This is backed by the strong narrative of the Political Islamic Group which at the end of the goal, wanted to establish the Islamic State. The future is political, will further heed and mobilize Muslims, as a majority, and rule out other religions.</p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Adrian Sinfield

Increasing inequality was a deliberate policy of the Thatcher governments, marking a significant shift in UK policy-making. The strategy was supported by strong vested interests and active myth-making that stigmatized both social spending and its recipients. The legacy of Thatcherism has been powerful and persistent, leading to an acceptance of the increased inequality and a lack of challenge to its proponents and beneficiaries. There now appears to be a growing challenge to this acquiescence from many quarters including the churches and, surprisingly, the IMF, as well as many more detailed analyses of the wide differences in income and wealth. The arguments against increased inequality have strengthened again, bolstered by growing evidence of exploitation of the tax system, but is the political will strong enough to bring about significant changes?


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 363-394
Author(s):  
Franklin Obinna

The un peace operations have undergone significant revisions to calibrate mission mandates in tandem with emerging threats to international peace and security, especially non-traditional security (nts) threats that stem from governance challenges. These multidimensional missions essentially perform statebuilding interventions (sbis) through capacity-building programmes. The future of these missions depends on negotiated political settlements that facilitate the creation of accountable institutions and inclusive societies. Scholars debate the future of un peace missions, especially as it relates to stabilization operations. On the one hand, are the “narrowers” who believe that peace operations should remain focused on stabilizing state authorities. On the other hand, are the “broadeners” who favor people-focused stabilization operations. This article argues for a broad approach. Focusing on the role of regional organizations under Chapter viii of the un Charter, it argues that successive failures by the African Union to implement its doctrinal instruments, particularly the Post Conflict Reconstruction and Development Policy, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and the Common African Defence and Security Policy has narrowed its peace interventions in Africa to peace enforcement operations. To be relevant, the African Union needs to focus on the challenges of governance in Africa.


Author(s):  
V. Konyshev ◽  
A. Sergunin

The growing interest in exploitation of the Arctic is present on the part of many countries. According to the existing legal rules, only five countries directly bordering on the Arctic are eligible to develop its shelf: Canada, Denmark, Norway, the USA and Russia. Japan and China would like to participate if the Extreme North exploitation regime changes. The authors analyze the unfolding battle between different countries for the control over the Arctic. For many countries, their interests in the region and concepts of the shelf borders are the area of disagreement. Therefore, both multipartite and bipartite coalitions at the political level are possible in the future.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ademola Abass

Abstract The African Union (au)’s role in the Libyan crisis drew opprobrium from many observers. To some, the Union’s response to the Libyan debacle – which was no response in terms of military engagement – came as no surprise. Gaddafi was one of the biggest funders of the continental organization. For others, the au’s poor showing is confirmatory that African regional organizations may have the legal competence to take enforcement action against erring Member States but they have neither the resources nor the political will required to effectuate such measures. While these factors count in any reckoning of the au’s handling of the Libyan crisis, this author argues that most analysts fail to account for the bewildering legal complexities the Union found itself in Libya. A closer look at the majority of existing analyses of the au’s response to the Libyan crisis reveals a widely unbalanced picture painted mostly by the legal analysts’ account of the organization performance and by the au’s evaluation of its own performance. The consequence of either approach is often too lopsided to inform a prudent outcome.


1973 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chadwick F. Alger

Reports on the United Nations by three United States groups, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, the President's Commission, and the United Nations Association of the USA, are summarized and compared. They reveal informed concern about United States participation in the UN at a time when Congress and the executive exhibit negativism and neglect. Conclusions are drawn on (1) differing priorities for the UN system and their interdependence, (2) the special capabilities of the United States for setting examples, (3) alternative models for UN problem solving, (4) United States contributions to the UN, and (5) generating political will for creative United States involvement in the UN. Concern is expressed about efforts to cut United States assessments for UN budgets and failure of the reports to adequately consider the political consequences of the fact that “maintenance of international peace and security” is not considered the most important UN task by all members. If congressional and executive neglect are to be overcome, public participation and involvement must be extended.


2011 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 599-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Engeman ◽  
Elliott Jacobson ◽  
Michael L. Avery ◽  
Walter E. Meshaka

Abstract Florida, along with Hawaii, has among the two worst invasive species problems in the USA, and the state is especially susceptible to establishment by alien reptiles. Besides the large numbers of established non-native reptile species in Florida, many of these species present novel difficulties for management, or have other characteristics making effective management extremely challenging. Moreover, initiation of management action requires more than recognition by experts that a potentially harmful species has become established. It also requires the political will along with concomitant resources and appropriate personnel to develop effective methods and apply them. We review the situation in Florida, including assessment of risk for establishment, and we use a subset of prominent species to illustrate in more detail the array of invasive reptile species circumstances in Florida, including routes of introduction, impacts, and potential and implemented management actions. These examples not only highlight the severity of the invasive reptile problems in the state, but they also show the diversity in resolve and response towards them and the motivating factors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


2018 ◽  
pp. 173-189
Author(s):  
Elena Borisenok

The article focuses on the analysis of the memoirs of the political and military officials that served Hetman P. Skoropadskyi. Their positions toward “Ukrainian question”, Hetman regime, views on the future of the Russian state etc. are studied.


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