The African Union’s Response to the Libyan Crisis: A Plea for Objectivity

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ademola Abass
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Organization Performance ◽  
African Union ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Member States ◽  
Enforcement Action ◽  
Legal Competence ◽  
Military Engagement

Abstract The African Union (au)’s role in the Libyan crisis drew opprobrium from many observers. To some, the Union’s response to the Libyan debacle – which was no response in terms of military engagement – came as no surprise. Gaddafi was one of the biggest funders of the continental organization. For others, the au’s poor showing is confirmatory that African regional organizations may have the legal competence to take enforcement action against erring Member States but they have neither the resources nor the political will required to effectuate such measures. While these factors count in any reckoning of the au’s handling of the Libyan crisis, this author argues that most analysts fail to account for the bewildering legal complexities the Union found itself in Libya. A closer look at the majority of existing analyses of the au’s response to the Libyan crisis reveals a widely unbalanced picture painted mostly by the legal analysts’ account of the organization performance and by the au’s evaluation of its own performance. The consequence of either approach is often too lopsided to inform a prudent outcome.

The Evolution of Peace Operations in Africa: Trajectories and Trends

2010 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 6-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
de Coning Cedric
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Peace Operations ◽  
African Union ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Stability Operations ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Usa ◽  
African Perspective ◽  
Financial Arrangements

The scale of contemporary United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) peace operations in Africa represent a significant shift in the political will of the international community to invest in UN and African peace operations. A macro-pattern has developed where most European and American peace and stability operations are deployed in NATO or European Union (EU) operations in Europe and the Middle-East, whilst most UN peace operations troops are contributed by the developing world and deployed in Africa. However, there is a new willingness in Europe to consider deploying some of its peacekeepers to Africa in EU or UN peace operations. From a UN and African perspective, the USA and Europe have a major political and financial influence on, and stake in, the future of peace operations in Africa. The AU and regional entities like ECOWAS, IGAD and SADC have significantly increased their capacity to undertake and manage peace operations over the last decade. The AU has deployed its first three peace operations, AMIB in Burundi, AMIS in Darfur and AMISOM in Somalia. However, the single most important factor when considering the future of peace operations in Africa is how they are financed, as that determines the size, scope and duration of the missions, and therefore has a direct bearing on their impact. The lack of clear and predictable financial arrangements is now the most important factor hindering the further expansion of African peacekeeping.

7 The IMO: Maritime Terrorism/Security and Global Ocean Governance

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
de Boer Jan Engel
Keyword(s):  
Building Blocks ◽  
International Maritime Organization ◽  
Global Ocean ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Member States ◽  
Ocean Governance ◽  
Maritime Navigation ◽  
Port Facility

This chapter concentrates on the measures taken by the International Maritime Organization (IMO) to prevent acts of terrorism at sea. It looks in some detail at the legal jurisdictional framework put in place by the development and adoption of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation (SUA) and its 2005 Protocols. The chapter also discusses the practical measures adopted by IMO through the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code aimed at improving security in ports and on ships. Finally, this chapter concludes that these measures, which are constantly under review by the relevant committees within the IMO, have put in place the necessary building blocks. What is now required is the political will on the part of IMO Member States by passing the necessary legislation or other administrative measures to implement satisfactorily these measures.

The African Mission in Burundi (AMIB): A Study of the African Union’s Peacekeeping Success and ‘Triangular Area of Tension in African Peacekeeping’

2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Isiaka Alani Badmus
Keyword(s):  
Lessons Learned ◽  
African Union ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Member States ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Lessons Learnt ◽  
Triangular Area

This article examined the African Mission in Burundi (AMIB), assessed its success and drew lessons learned from the experience. The author argued that the mission was successful in restoring peace and stability in Burundi, although the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) component of its mission was not achieved. The willingness of the African Union (AU) to send a peacekeeping mission as a stabilizing force within an ongoing conflict shows that the organization is serious about tackling security issues on the continent. In spite of AU’s endeavours, the article establishes that the AU is being challenged by what is called the ‘triangular area of tension in African peacekeeping (AU’s ambitions versus AU’s peacekeeping capacities versus member states’ political will and agendas). The article concludes with a reflection on lessons learnt from AMIB as a prelude to addressing this area of tension for better future peacekeeping performances in Africa.

The Role of OIC in the Social Policies of Its Members

2016 ◽  
pp. 43-60
Author(s):  
Sema Bölükbaş
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Member States ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Fragmented Structure ◽  
The Social

The fragmented structure of Muslim countries and the lack of political will to solve their problems with a real collaboration prevent Muslim societies to form an active union. Although most of the documents of OIC are in line with the universal human right principles and there is some organs within the organization to carry out the decisions, the deep clash of interests between the Muslim countries and the fact that the implementation of the provisions in these documents are up to the member countries' initiatives and there is no sanction about the implementation of these provisions are the main reasons of the failure and ineffectiveness of the organization. As the organization is unable to protect even the basic human rights of the Muslims in the member states, inefficacy about social policies, except for some humanitarian aids, is not surprising. As all of the intellectuals agree, the political will should be consolidated among member states, lack of which seems to be the main reason behind the organization's failure.

scholarly journals How Central is the African Union to the Promotion of Traditional African Values? – A Critical Engagement

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-322
Author(s):  
Babatunde Fagbayibo
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
African Union ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Member States ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Cultural Renaissance ◽  
Central Argument

In addition to the Charter for African Cultural Renaissance, many of the normative instruments of the African Union (AU) underline the importance of traditional African values. Through its policy documents, action plans and charters, the AU expressly points to the centrality of traditional African values in the attainment of organisational objectives and goals. These include instruments on human rights, women, youth, elections and democracy, economic development and general regional integration. This acknowledgement raises two critical questions. The first relates to the level of implementation of this ideal by member states, and the second is the extent to which the AU provides an effective coordinating platform for the promotion of traditional African values. These two interrelated enquiries lie at the heart of understanding how the AU can play an essential role in the promotion of traditional African values. This article intends to home in on the institutional perspective of promoting traditional African values through transnational mechanisms. The central argument is that AU member states should demonstrate the necessary political will to strengthen African Union institutions to be able to effectively coordinate and implement efforts aimed at channelling traditional African values into development efforts at both the national and transnational levels.

Department of Political Affairs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herman T. Salton
Keyword(s):  
Secretary General ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Change ◽  
Member States ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Peace Agreements

This chapter assesses the role of the Department of Political Affairs (DPA) in the Rwanda genocide. It situates DPA within the Secretariat of the early 1990s, explains the importance given to it by Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, and analyses the department’s reaction to the crisis. The DPA’s role in monitoring the Arusha Peace Agreements and in providing the ‘political’ analysis of the Rwandan context is also reviewed, as is Boutros-Ghali’s desire for a powerful ‘political’ department to be juxtaposed to member states’ preference for peacekeeping and DPKO. The chapter also considers the leadership change of March 1994 when, a month before the genocide, Marrack Goulding took over the whole of DPA.

scholarly journals Strengthening the EU’s resilience to hybrid threats

European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110046
Author(s):  
Sandra Kalniete ◽  
Tomass Pildegovičs
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Hybrid Methods ◽  
Cyber Attacks ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Hybrid Threats

Against the backdrop of the deterioration of EU–Russia relations in recent years, there has been a shift in the awareness of hybrid threats all across the Union. At the same time, there is evidence of a growing political will to strengthen resilience to these threats. While hostile foreign actors have long deployed hybrid methods to target Europe, Russia’s intervention in Ukraine in 2014, interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and repeated cyber-attacks and disinformation campaigns aimed at EU member states have marked a turning point, exposing Western countries’ unpreparedness and vulnerability to these threats. This article analyses the EU’s resilience to hybrid warfare from institutional, regulatory and societal perspectives, with a particular focus on the information space. By drawing on case studies from member states historically at the forefront of resisting and countering Russian-backed disinformation campaigns, this article outlines the case for a whole-of-society approach to countering hybrid threats and underscores the need for EU leadership in a standard-setting capacity.

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the arts, culture, and heritage sectors in the African Union member states

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-480
Author(s):  
Angela Martins ◽  
Vicensia Shule
Keyword(s):  
Union Member ◽  
African Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Arts ◽  
The World ◽  
The Impact

Africa as a continent has been hit by the coronavirus – the COVID-19 pandemic – as have many parts of the world. Many African Union (AU) member states were badly hit by the virus, while others were only mildly impacted. The arts, culture, and heritage sectors have been severely hit by the pandemic. Fortunately, in many countries in Africa, arts, culture, and heritage were placed at the heart of strategic priorities at the national, regional, and continental levels of combating COVID-19.

COMBATING TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN AFRICA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

2006 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HATCHARD
Keyword(s):  
Transnational Crime ◽  
Environmental Crime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Proceeds Of Crime ◽  
Made In

Transnational crime is a major problem for African states with corruption, trafficking of persons, drugs trafficking, environmental crime and the like posing a major threat to development and stability. This article examines three challenges that states must tackle in order to combat transnational crime effectively. The first is how to deal with criminals who operate outside the jurisdiction. The second concerns the investigation of crimes with a transnational element. The third challenge involves tracing and then recovering the proceeds of crime that have been moved out of the country where the crime occurred. Here the need for Western states to cooperate with those in Africa is highlighted. Drawing on examples from Lesotho and Nigeria in particular, it is argued that some progress is being made in meeting these challenges. However, the article notes that developing the political will to tackle transnational crime is fundamental to any lasting improvement.

The African Press in Kenya, 1945–1952

1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fay Gadsden
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
African Union ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
The Press ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Short Time

This paper discusses the African press in Kenya in the years between 1945 and 1952. The growth of an extensive vernacular press was caused by the political frustrations suffered by Kenya's Africans and the political, social and ethnic divisions which separated them. The press can be divided into three major categories: moderate nationalist, regional vernacular and populist newspapers. The moderate nationalist newspapers were edited by members of the educated elite who campaigned for constitutional change and social reforms. The regional vernacular papers were concerned more with local than national issues. The populist press was edited by semi-educated men active in politics at the grassroots level who came to reject the moderate leadership. All these papers publicized the activities of the Kenya African Union and demanded an improvement in the political and social position of Africans in Kenya. But they also expressed the ethnic, political and social hostilities which divided their editors. The decline of moderate leadership was reflected in the closure of their newspapers. The radicals who seized power in K.A.U. in 1951 were supported by the populist press and began new newspapers in 1951 and 1952.Some of the African newspapers achieved quite large circulations, were distributed by agents throughout the towns of Kenya and attracted some advertising revenue. But they all suffered from lack of money and found it difficult to find and pay a printer, and they suffered also from the lack of experience of their editors. Many newspapers lasted only a short time. But throughout these years there were always a number of newspapers published. These were widely read and were politically influential. The populist press played a direct role in stimulating militant resistance. Government attempts to curb the African press and to replace it with government newspapers were not successful. Only in 1952 when a State of Emergency had been imposed and the government had assumed powers to refuse printing licences and to suppress newspapers could the African press be silenced.

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