Fictional Debates on Tolerance (Fiktive Debatten über Toleranz)

Daphnis ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 108-124
Author(s):  
Angela Hars

This article examines two printed pamphlets written at the beginning of the English Restoration (1660–1688). One was published by the influential author Roger L’Estrange. The other appeared anonymously and was written by the Franciscan friar Vincent Canes. Both pamphlets reflect the ongoing controversy about toleration in form of an imaginary dialogue. Focusing on the question of how the two writers tried to influence their audience and the current political debate, the article explores their motives and ingenious rhetorical methods. In England wurden zu Beginn der Restaurationszeit (1660–1688) zwei Pamphlete veröffentlicht, welche die hitzig geführten Diskussionen um Glaubensfreiheit in Form fiktiver Dialoge aufgriffen. Das eine stammt von dem einflussreichen politischen Autor Roger L’Estrange. Das andere erschien anonym und ist dem Franziskanermönch Vincent Canes zuzuschreiben. Im Beitrag wird der Frage nachgegangen, mit welchen Argumenten und rhetorischen Mitteln die beiden Autoren versuchten, die Leser und die aktuelle polische Debatte zu beeinflussen.

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vidya Dwi Amalia Zati ◽  
Sumarsih Sumarsih ◽  
Lince Sihombing

The objectives of the research were to describe the types of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera, to derive the dominant type of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera and to elaborate the way of five governor candidates of North Sumatera use speech acts in televised political debates. This research was conducted by applying descriptive qualitative research. The findings show that there were only four types of speech acts used in televised political debates, Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara, they were assertives, directives, commissives and expressives. The dominant type of speech acts used in both televised political debates was assertives, with 82 utterances or 51.6% in Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and 36 utterances or 41.37% in Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara. The way of governor candidates of North Sumatera used speech acts in televised political debates is in direct speech acts, they spoke straight to the point and clearly in order to make the other candidates and audiences understand their utterances.   Keywords: Governor Candidate; Political Debate; Speech Acts


Author(s):  
Christopher Hood ◽  
Rozana Himaz

This chapter describes the long 2010–15 fiscal squeeze under the first Conservative–Liberal coalition since the early 1920s, in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis and with debt and deficit at levels not seen for four decades or more. It included sharp political debate over timing, depth, and tax/spending balance of fiscal squeeze, with most of the coalition squeeze based on its Labour predecessor’s plans, and the deficit reduction outcome roughly the same as those Labour plans, principally because of shortfall on the revenue side. This episode was marked by a repeat of ‘bear trap’ tactics by the incumbents, and the post-squeeze 2015 election rewarded one party in the coalition, while the other party was heavily punished and so was the Labour Opposition. How far the victory of ‘Vote Leave’ (Brexit) in the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU can be attributed to fiscal squeeze is debatable.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.


Author(s):  
C. R. G. Murray

Much of the judicial-dialogue debate implies that this process was initiated by the Human Rights Act, but developments since its enactment arguably refine the long-established process whereby the courts interact with the other branches of government. For example, when individuals (often supported by pressure groups) pursue rights-based claims they may do so not with the expectation that the courts will uphold their claim, but in the hope that judges will issue a declaration of incompatibility with which they can influence political debate. The Human Rights Act marks an increase in the volume (in both senses of the word) of such dialogue. Judges must now consider their decisions not only regarding their impact upon UK government policy but also with one eye towards ensuring that the European Court of Human Rights upholds their decisions. This chapter examines these efforts, focusing in particular on the growth in ‘protest cases’ before the courts.


Diacrítica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-89
Author(s):  
Paulo Silva Pereira

Many studies have addressed the issue of migration and displacement, one of themain geopolitical challenges of our time, but far fewer have analysed it using aninterdisciplinary framework and selecting literary and artistic practices from atransnational context. !e purpose of this paper is to describe the way in whichthe artists use the specificity of medium and mechanism in their projects to reflecton the current migratory crisis and forced migration, to critique the securitizationor the politics of immigration in recent years and to explore a tactical use of technologiesin order to expand public consciousness and political debate. It is directlyfocused on the migratory processes involving Mexicans who go to the United Statesand its connection to the complex political imaginary of these regions, and on therelationship between identity and marginalization, particularly the influence ofthe conceptualization of migrants as the Other in contemporary European society.Based on the analysis of a series of case studies both from a theoretical and froman artistic point of view –, this research intends to understand how these projectsexplore forms of critical intervention, dissent or disruption of a dominant semioticregime by stimulating critical thinking about consolidated narratives and sign systemsof identity and difference.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (46) ◽  
pp. 45-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco BRUNO

Abstract The “need” to build walls and barriers, restore boundaries, restraining “waves” of refugees and migrants, appears one of the most urgent priorities involving European countries. In Italian media and political debate this theme has been very important in last years also regard a peculiar kind of border, the maritime one, for the centrality acquired by Lampedusa and other coasts, also as symbolic space of construction of relationship with the “Other”. On the other hand, the media defined also “symbolic internal borders”, by focusing on certain themes or images of migrations. The contribution aims to explore and deconstruct the main mechanisms of representation and news-media construction of immigrant image in Italy. Through frame analysis (mostly carried out with qualitative and non-standard methods) will be enlightened three main discursive dimensions: a) the so-called “landing emergency” (as external border); b) the central interest on crime news where immigrants are protagonists, and c) the cultural-religious dimension of immigration (both as internal border).


2019 ◽  
pp. 194-235
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal

This chapter uses the rise in parliamentary committee engagement with ‘security’ to examine the migration of ‘security’ into ‘normal politics’. At the same time, it examines changing problematisations of security in committee activity. The chapter presents committee politics as a different kind of ‘political game’ in security. Although partisanship does play a role, at stake is not so much victory over the other side, but rather legitimacy and effectiveness in holding the government to account. The chapter discusses a number of explanations for the rise in activity on security, such as general increases in parliamentary activism over the same period, and a mirroring of security topics that appear in government activity and wider political debate. The chapter gives evidence to the book’s central claim that ‘security’ has been migrating into the ‘arena’ of ‘normal politics’.


Author(s):  
Tee L. Guidotti

Both ethics and law are based on value systems. George Lakoff has contributed to our understanding of the value systems that influence attitudes toward public issues in his book, Moral Politics: What Conservatives Know That Liberals Don't (University of Chicago Press, 1996). He argues that two antagonistic but co-existing moral systems influence attitudes toward public issues. Both are derived from metaphors of family life and child development and the “morality” of allowing certain actions. One moral system stresses individual responsibility and risk-taking, the other empathy and mutual assistance. The tension between these value systems explains much in political debate; issues generally tend to fall on one side or the other. Occupational health and related issues, almost uniquely, have the unfortunate characteristic of falling short in both. Our best efforts may be judged “immoral” by the strictest interpretations of both systems, even when they are successful. The practical implication is that we must not accept this pattern of thinking. The work relationship is not like a family. It is important to separate issues in occupational health from this pattern of thinking in both professional and public discourse.


2017 ◽  
pp. 35-38
Author(s):  
Alex Ovsienko

The discussions on the ban on burka in Germany started on November the 15 th. 2015 as the party convention of the CSU (a Bavarian part of the ruling CDU) demanded on its party convention to pass the law which would ban the wearing on facial veils in Germany. In the next months the discussion intensified in Germany as more and more politicians got involved in the debate , like the prominent German member of the Free Democratic Party Alexander Graf Lamsdorf or Wolfgang Kubicki, the vice chairman of the FDP which were both in favor of the ban, on the other side there are German politicians like the President of Germany Joachim Gauck or the German minister of justice Heiko Maas who were opposed to ban the wearing of facial veils in Germany.


APRIA Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-43
Author(s):  
Florian Cramer

Publishing is increasingly being challenged through instantaneous social media publish- ing, even in the fields of scholarship and cultural, philosophical and political debate. Memetic self-publishers, such as the right-wing 'YouTube intellectual' Jordan Peterson and his left-wing counterpart Natalie Wynn, seem to tap into urgent needs that traditional publishing fails to identify and address. Does their practice amount to a new form of urgent publishing? How is it different from non-urgent publishing on the one hand and from propaganda on the other? Which urgencies can be addressed by urgent publishing? What is the role of artists and designers in it?


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