The ‘Morality’ of Occupational Health

Author(s):  
Tee L. Guidotti

Both ethics and law are based on value systems. George Lakoff has contributed to our understanding of the value systems that influence attitudes toward public issues in his book, Moral Politics: What Conservatives Know That Liberals Don't (University of Chicago Press, 1996). He argues that two antagonistic but co-existing moral systems influence attitudes toward public issues. Both are derived from metaphors of family life and child development and the “morality” of allowing certain actions. One moral system stresses individual responsibility and risk-taking, the other empathy and mutual assistance. The tension between these value systems explains much in political debate; issues generally tend to fall on one side or the other. Occupational health and related issues, almost uniquely, have the unfortunate characteristic of falling short in both. Our best efforts may be judged “immoral” by the strictest interpretations of both systems, even when they are successful. The practical implication is that we must not accept this pattern of thinking. The work relationship is not like a family. It is important to separate issues in occupational health from this pattern of thinking in both professional and public discourse.

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Sayer

Government initiatives such as the Troubled Families Programme present a difficult problem for social scientists: how to discuss the policies without accepting and appearing to legitimise the problematic framing of social problems that they embody. The programme is characteristically neoliberal in its silence on structural inequality and in its targeting of certain families as deficient and wholly responsible for their situation. Like so many such programmes, its primary addressee is arguably not merely those targeted by the policies but the wider electorate. The paper discusses the dilemmas of challenging the policy's framing. First it makes some general points about the different characters of political and academic discourses, before examining some key features of the framing of TFP, its conceptualisation of social causes of problems and individual responsibility, and how social scientists might respond. It then draws upon the work of George Lakoff to comment on how the impact of policy and political discourse depends on the kinds of value systems it invokes, before concluding.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vidya Dwi Amalia Zati ◽  
Sumarsih Sumarsih ◽  
Lince Sihombing

The objectives of the research were to describe the types of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera, to derive the dominant type of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera and to elaborate the way of five governor candidates of North Sumatera use speech acts in televised political debates. This research was conducted by applying descriptive qualitative research. The findings show that there were only four types of speech acts used in televised political debates, Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara, they were assertives, directives, commissives and expressives. The dominant type of speech acts used in both televised political debates was assertives, with 82 utterances or 51.6% in Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and 36 utterances or 41.37% in Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara. The way of governor candidates of North Sumatera used speech acts in televised political debates is in direct speech acts, they spoke straight to the point and clearly in order to make the other candidates and audiences understand their utterances.   Keywords: Governor Candidate; Political Debate; Speech Acts


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Novita Mulyana ◽  
Made Budiarsa ◽  
Made Sri Satyawati

This research was aimed to find out the types of politeness strategy that is used by 10th grade students to express criticism towards public issues through an anecdote text as well as the implication on the teaching and learning process of anecdote text in SMK TI Bali Global Jimbaran. There were fifteen anecdote texts analyzed in this research and they were collected through a writing test conducted in a 10th grade class in SMK TI Bali Global Jimbaran. The data were classified and analyzed based on the politeness strategy theory proposed by Brown and Levinson (1987) and ethnography of communication theory proposed by Hymes (1973). The result of the analysis shows that from the fifteen anecdote texts collected, there were only two types of politeness strategy found to be used in expressing criticism, they are bald on record strategy and off record strategy. There are ten anecdote texts composed by the students found using bald on record strategy, while the other five anecdotes using off record strategy in expressing criticism towards public issues. In other words, more students still used the more risky way of expressing criticisms, therefore it is important for the teacher to choose or design a better model of learning which can improve the students’ pragmatic competence.


Author(s):  
Christopher Hood ◽  
Rozana Himaz

This chapter describes the long 2010–15 fiscal squeeze under the first Conservative–Liberal coalition since the early 1920s, in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis and with debt and deficit at levels not seen for four decades or more. It included sharp political debate over timing, depth, and tax/spending balance of fiscal squeeze, with most of the coalition squeeze based on its Labour predecessor’s plans, and the deficit reduction outcome roughly the same as those Labour plans, principally because of shortfall on the revenue side. This episode was marked by a repeat of ‘bear trap’ tactics by the incumbents, and the post-squeeze 2015 election rewarded one party in the coalition, while the other party was heavily punished and so was the Labour Opposition. How far the victory of ‘Vote Leave’ (Brexit) in the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU can be attributed to fiscal squeeze is debatable.


Philosophy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-131
Author(s):  
Niels de Haan

AbstractThere is good reason to think that moral responsibility as accountability is tied to the violation of moral demands. This lends intuitive support to Type-Symmetry in the collective realm: A type of responsibility entails the violation or unfulfillment of the same type of all-things-considered duty. For example, collective responsibility necessarily entails the violation of a collective duty. But Type-Symmetry is false. In this paper I argue that a non-agential group can be collectively responsible without thereby violating a collective duty. To show this I distinguish between four types of responsibility and duty in collective contexts: corporate, distributed, collective, shared. I set out two cases: one involves a non-reductive collective action that constitutes irreducible wrongdoing, the other involves a non-divisible consequence. I show that the violation of individual or shared duties both can lead to irreducible wrongdoing for which only the group is responsible. Finally, I explain why this conclusion does not upset any work on individual responsibility.


AI & Society ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Chiodo

AbstractWe continuously talk about autonomous technologies. But how can words qualifying technologies be the very same words chosen by Kant to define what is essentially human, i.e. being autonomous? The article focuses on a possible answer by reflecting upon both etymological and philosophical issues, as well as upon the case of autonomous vehicles. Most interestingly, on the one hand, we have the notion of (human) “autonomy”, meaning that there is a “law” that is “self-given”, and, on the other hand, we have the notion of (technological) “automation”, meaning that there is something “offhand” that is “self-given”. Yet, we are experiencing a kind of twofold shift: on the one hand, the shift from defining technologies in terms of automation to defining technologies in terms of autonomy and, on the other hand, the shift from defining humans in terms of autonomy to defining humans in terms of automation. From a philosophical perspective, the shift may mean that we are trying to escape precisely from what autonomy founds, i.e. individual responsibility of humans that, in the Western culture, have been defined for millennia as rational and moral decision-makers, even when their decisions have been the toughest. More precisely, the shift may mean that we are using technologies, and in particular emerging algorithmic technologies, as scapegoats that bear responsibility for us by making decisions for us. Moreover, if we consider the kind of emerging algorithmic technologies that increasingly surround us, starting from autonomous vehicles, then we may argue that we also seem to create a kind of technological divine that, by being always with us through its immanent omnipresence, omniscience, omnipotence and inscrutability, can always be our technological scapegoat freeing us from the most unbearable burden of individual responsibility resulting from individual autonomy.


Author(s):  
Émilie Counil ◽  
Emmanuel Henry

This article analyzes the consequences of the increasing reference to scientific expertise in the decision and implementation process of occupational health policy. Based on examples (exposure limits and attributable fractions) taken from an interdisciplinary seminar conducted in 2014 to 2015 in France, it shows how the measurement or regulation of a problem through biomedicine-based tools produces blind spots. It also uses a case study to show the contradictions between scientific and academic aims and public health intervention. Other indirect implications are also examined, such as the limitation of trade unions’ scope for action. Finally, the article suggests launching a broad political debate accessible to nonspecialists about collective occupational health issues—a dialogue made difficult by the rise of the afore-mentioned techno-scientific perspective.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.


Author(s):  
Fatma Nazlı Köksal ◽  
Hasan Doğan

Beyond being a shelter, houses are such structures which obtain meanings shaped by the influence of culture, particularly reflecting the society’s socio-cultural structure. As a time-khronos and space-topos pattern, the houses reflect the characteristics of the culture or ethnic group which they are part of, while on the other hand, they reflect the images of the individual’s essence as a communicative action. The effect of climate and typology, which are physical components of culture, as well as social components of culture, such as value systems, belief, lifestyle and habits, are cardinal factors in the formation of traditional houses. In this respect, traditional structures are visual representation spaces that narrates their own story, like verbal culture, and they convey their unique codes through visuality. This study, which discusses traditional architecture as a cultural text, aims to reveal traditional Urfa houses through analytical readings, within the context of visual semiology.. The samples selected within the scope of the study will be evaluated according to the context of stylistic features they are part of, such as plan and spatial perspective, the location of the houses, and detections regarding the visual culture will be discussed through the cultural and architectural design approach of Umberto Eco.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-170
Author(s):  
Ryan J. Phillips

This article examines the boundary work of frames and the methodological significance of understanding this work when conducting rhetorical framing analysis. While the boundary properties of frames have been theorized by scholars, there remains a lack of clear engagement with how to effectively address these discursive boundaries methodically. I argue that agenda-dismissal, which makes use of both prolepses and blind spots, ought to be addressed in addition to agenda-setting and agenda-extension when conducting rhetorical framing analysis. A case study is provided in which the rhetorical framing of vegan parenting in online news media is analyzed and critiqued for confining the issue within a dominant health-based frame. Strategies for dismantling discursive boundaries and reframing public issues are also considered within the context of the case study.


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