CORRUPTION IN PAKATAN’S POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS

Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.


2013 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian de Visscher ◽  
Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen

While special advisers play an important role in most Western governments, the research on the subject is limited. This article aims to explain variations in the ménage à trois relationships between ministers, senior civil servants and special advisers in two different politico-administrative systems. The theoretical starting point is to conceptualize and explain such trilateral relationships as multiple Public Service Bargains. We find that the differences in Public Service Bargains generate differences in these ménages à trois relationships, resulting in different types of functional differentiation as well as differences in the degree of cooperation vis-à-vis conflict. These differences are primarily the result of differences in the interests as well as formal, institutional rules and the competencies of the actors involved. The empirical data include documents as well as interviews with and questionnaires completed by senior civil servants. The countries compared are Belgium and Denmark. Points for practitioners Our study confirms that it is important for a ‘ménage à trois’ (ministers, special advisers, SCSs) ‘… to spell out the terms of the bargain applying to political advisers (…)’ ( Hood and Lodge, 2006 : 128) in order to regulate the relationship between special advisers and SCSs and avoid potential conflicts among them. In addition, the study shows that the number of political appointments plays a role in the relationship. Finally, the study shows that clear differences in the competencies brought to the bargain by the two types of agent may ensure cooperation and mutual respect, whereas an overlapping of competencies may cause rivalry.


2000 ◽  
Vol 98 (6) ◽  
pp. 1436 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Yoo ◽  
Terri Jennings Peretti ◽  
David Alistair Yalof

Nature ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 517 (7534) ◽  
pp. 251-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Tollefson

EDUTECH ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 140
Author(s):  
Novrian Satria Perdana

Abstract. Burden borne by the Principal in leading his school is not matched by the clarity of the position of Principal which in Permendiknas No. 28 of 2010 states that the principal is a "teacher who was given the additional task to lead ....". This makes the load a Principal to grow because he is also a teacher must fulfill teaching hours as much as 6 hours. Under these condi-tions, the authors conducted a study with the aim of the study include: (1) analyze the status of professions principal, (2) analyzing the career path (career path) the principal, and (3) analyze the suitability of legislation related to the duties and burdens working with the school principal conditions that occur in the field. The sample was elementary school principal to BC in the city of Palembang in 2016. The results of this study include: (1) Most of the characteristics of the profes-sion has been owned by the principals in the city of Palembang, except for earnings not describe a significant difference with the level of the job, (2) to become principals in the city of Palembang, to date, in accordance with existing regulations, which must be held by the teacher, not the other positions. There was also a school principal who was appointed did not pass training for candi-date principal, but there were appointed through political appointments / selection of regional heads, (3) the pattern of recruitment of principals in the city of Palembang yet fully implementing the Ministerial Regulation No. 28 of 2010, even to this day do not all principals have NUKS.Keywords: Principal, Profession, Career PathsAbstrak. Beratnya beban yang dipikul oleh Kepala Sekolah dalam memimpin sekolahnya tidak diimbangi dengan kejelasan posisi Kepala Sekolah yang mana dalam Permendiknas Nomor 28 Tahun 2010 menyebutkan bahwa Kepala Sekolah adalah “guru yang diberi tugas tambahan untuk memimpin….”. Hal ini membuat beban seorang Kepala Sekolah ber-tambah karena dia juga seorang guru yang harus memenuhi jam mengajar sebanyak 6 jam. Ber-dasarkan kondisi tersebut, penulis melakukan penelitian dengan tujuan penelitian antara lain: (1) menganalisis status keprofesian kepala sekolah, (2) menganalisis jalur karier (career path) kepala sekolah, dan (3) menganalisis kesesuaian peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dengan tugas dan beban kerja kepala sekolah dengan kondisi yang terjadi di lapangan. Sampel penelitian ini adalah kepala sekolah jenjang SD hingga SM di kota Palembang pada tahun 2016. Hasil penelitian ini antara lain: (1) Sebagian besar ciri-ciri profesi telah dimiliki oleh kepala sekolah di kota Palem-bang, kecuali mengenai penghasilan yang belum menggambarkan perbedaan yang signifikan dengan jenjang jabatan tersebut, (2) Untuk menjadi kepala sekolah di kota Palembang hingga saat ini telah sesuai dengan regulasi yang ada, yaitu harus dijabat oleh guru, tidak jabatan lain. Ada juga kepala sekolah yang diangkat juga tidak melewati Diklat Calon Kepala Sekolah, tetapi ada yang diangkat melalui jabatan politik/pilihan kepala daerah, (3) Pola rekrutmen kepala sekolah di kota Palembang belum sepenuhnya mengimplementasikan Permendiknas Nomor 28 Tahun 2010, bahkan hingga saat ini tidak semua kepala sekolah memiliki NUKS.Kata Kunci: Kepala Sekolah, Profesi, Jalur Karier


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 444-470
Author(s):  
Jeremy Sarkin ◽  
Ram Kumar Bhandari

Abstract Over five decades and with dozens of examples of truth commissions to look back on, an undeniable aspect of their legacy is that the world has become far more focused on dealing with the past and uncovering the truth about past atrocities. While there is typically a focus in the literature on the more widely publicized and famous truth commissions, scores of other processes have taken place, especially since the 1990s. Post-conflict or divided societies have designed institutions in ways that achieve specific objectives but at the same time conform to international standards, creating a reputation of being both democratic and accountable. Using the prism of Nepal, this article examines why the process to establish transitional justice mechanisms, and specifically truth commissions, needs to be legitimate and credible for them to be effective and be impactful. It specifically examines issues relating to appointments to such institutions and why such appointments need to be done independently and not overtly politically. It scrutinizes why appointment mechanisms and processes are so important to enhancing the legitimacy and independence of such bodies. The case of Nepal is used as an example to extrapolate conclusions about the problems that affected its processes, and the various crises that have emerged in those processes. The article argues that commissioners ought to be chosen on the basis of their impartiality, moral integrity, and known commitment to human rights and disclosure of the truth. This is essential to ensure that the process is seen to be independent and credible.


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