scholarly journals ‘The Wife Would Put on a Nice Suit, Hat, and Possibly Gloves’: The Misogynistic Identity Politics of Anders Behring Breivik

Fascism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-133
Author(s):  
Fredrik Wilhelmsen
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Cultural Renaissance ◽  
Christian Society

Abstract By analysing the anti-feminist and misogynistic narratives in Anders Behring Breivik’s compendium 2083: A European Declaration of Independence, this article argues that Breivik’s counterjihadist worldview can be located both as a permutation of ‘generic fascism’ and as a form of nonegalitarian ‘identity politics’. First, the article reframes and reformulates Nancy Fraser’s concept of identity politics, as it sets Breivik’s ideology in relation to her theory of a ‘politics of recognition’, arguing that her theories – originally developed to analyse left-wing politics – can be used to identify how questions of identity are at the centre of the dynamics of Breivik’s far-right ideology. The article then goes on to demonstrate how Breivik’s misogynist narratives are plotted into a broader fascist conception of history, where the alleged feminised and Islamised present is described as an estrangement from a glorious past dominated by white, European men. As a result, Breivik’s futural palingenetic vision of a ‘European cultural renaissance’ is not only going to resurrect a white, homogenous, ‘Christian’ society, but also restore patriarchy.

Bacurau as Science-Fiction Revenge Fantasy

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
Jocimar Dias
Keyword(s):  
Science Fiction ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Colonial Violence

When Bacurau (dir. Kleber Mendonça Filho and Juliano Dornelles, 2019) was released in Brazil, it was mainly received as a left-wing critique of the rise of the far right in the country’s political landscape. But some critics argued that the feature’s insistence on graphic violence was actually a celebration of barbarism, equating the oppressed villagers to their genocidal oppressors. This article refutes this view, borrowing from the analysis of science-fiction revenge fantasies and also following Foucault’s genealogical perspective. It argues that Bacurau actually reenacts Brazil’s foundational colonial violence through its complex temporality, in order to rediscover the forgotten past of real struggles that remain surreptitiously inserted in all levels of society, perhaps in the hope that new ways of resistance may flourish from its spectatorial experience.

Identity Politics and the Welfare State

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Wolfe ◽  
Jytte Klausen
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Opportunity ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Life Chances ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
Policies And Programs ◽  
Deep Sense ◽  
The Welfare State

Motivated by a deep sense that injustice and inequality are wrong, liberals and reformers in the Western political tradition have focused their energies on policies and programs which seek inclusion: extending the suffrage to those without property; seeking to treat women the same as men, and blacks the same as whites; trying to ensure that as few as possible are excluded from economic opportunity due to lack of resources. Under current conditions, such demands for inclusion take two primary forms, especially in the United States. One is a commitment to using the state to equalize the life chances of individuals. The other is a call for treating groups which have experienced discrimination with full respect. The former leads to the welfare state, while the latter is produced by, and in turn produces, what is commonly called identity politics, the politics of recognition, or the politics of presence.

Spain’s Sanchez faces tough battle after Madrid loss

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Party Competition ◽  
Main Issue ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Decline ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Significance The result led Pablo Iglesias, the founder of Unidas Podemos (UP), which is part of Sanchez’s minority left-wing government, to resign from politics. It also reinforced the national decline of the centre-right Ciudadanos (Cs) party, on which Sanchez has sometimes relied for parliamentary support. Impacts A fresh independence push in Catalonia would boost the electoral prospects of the PP and the far-right Vox party across Spain. Whether to cooperate with Vox in government could become the main issue of division within the PP. The return to traditional two-party competition between the PP and PSOE would increase the prospect of more stable governments.

scholarly journals Taxation as tyranny: American Progress and the ultraconservative movement

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Huntington
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Red Tide ◽  
Business Owners ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Collaborative Network ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Periodical Studies ◽  
Over Time

Willis E. Stone watched aghast as mid-century liberals expanded the size and power of the federal government. Stone, a former industrial engineer and unbending anti-statist, believed this liberal surge obfuscated and abetted an imminent red tide of communism. He founded the American Progress Foundation and its flagship periodical, American Progress , to spread a hardline libertarian message, hoping to spark conservative resistance against federal power. In the pages of American Progress , Stone and a coterie of other right-wingers published conspiratorial, anti-statist diatribes and promoted Stone’s proposal, the Liberty Amendment, to repeal the Sixteenth Amendment. Right-wing business owners joined the fray, sponsoring American Progress through advertisements, and over time Stone’s movement expanded to form a collaborative network with other far-right groups. This article illustrates how American Progress served as an activist and ideological nexus for the broader ultraconservative movement, which helped establish a hardline brand of libertarianism that reverberated throughout the modern American Right. Furthermore, by analysing the scope and influence of radical right-wing publications, this article provides a critical counterweight to the traditional left-wing focus of periodical studies.

Democracy and Recognition

2018 ◽  
pp. 79-106
Author(s):  
Craig Browne ◽  
Andrew P. Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Recent Analysis ◽  
Alexis De Tocqueville ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Equal Respect ◽  
Nancy Fraser

This chapter focuses on Taylor’s account of the politics of recognition and the broad debates that his essay on multiculturalism stimulated. Taylor was responding to the new politics of identity and the contestation over the implications of cultural diversity, especially in multicultural societies like Canada and Australia. Taylor is shown to bring his own theoretical framework to bear on these topics and to emphasize the cultural underpinnings of identity politics in the values of equal respect and equal dignity. Taylor’s highlighting the broad background experiences of democratic forms of social association is somewhat similar, we argue, to that of Alexis de Tocqueville on democracy and democratisation. Taylor’s reworking of aspects of Tocqueville’s diagnoses of modern society’s potential for ‘democratic despotism’ and the paradoxes of individualism are evaluated. Whilst acknowledging the significance of Taylor’s contributions to theories of recognition and democracy, the critical responses to Taylor’s accounts are outlined and his conceptions are compared with later discussions of these themes, particularly those by Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth. Taylor’s updating of his perspective on recognition and recent analysis of current tendencies for ‘democratic exclusion’ and their remedies are assessed.

The deliberative qualities of the debates from a comparative perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-96
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Pietro Castelli Gattinara ◽  
Konstantinos Eleftheriadis ◽  
Andrea Felicetti
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Substantial Variation ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
Charlie Hebdo

Chapter 4 discusses the deliberative qualities of the Charlie Hebdo debate in alternative public spheres. The chapter explains the way in which deliberation has been operationalized for qualitative analysis. It then focuses on the deliberative qualities of the Charlie Hebdo debate among the three main groups of public-sphere actors under examination (far-right, left-wing, and religious groups). There is substantial variation in the deliberative democratic qualities displayed within and across the three public spheres while there is limited variation across countries. In order to account for this phenomena, at the end of the chapter, we reflect on the nature of critical junctures specifically and differences in different public sphere actors’ dispositions toward deliberative and democratic norms.

scholarly journals Digital Ecosystems of Ideology: Linked Media as Rhetoric in Spanish Political Tweets

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512092663
Author(s):  
Vanessa Ceia
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
General Elections ◽  
External Sources ◽  
Popular Party

That Twitter is a major form of political mobilization and influence has been well documented. But what is the role of linked media—references to newspapers, photos, videos, and other external sources via URLs—in political Twitter messaging? How are linked references employed as campaign tools and rhetorical devices in messages published by political parties on Twitter? Is there a quantifiable relationship between a party’s ideology and linked media in tweets? With the spread of fake news, threats to a free press, and questioning of the legitimacy of political messaging on the rise globally, the sources on which parties draw to convince voters of their online messaging deserve critical attention. To explore the above questions, this article examines uses of linked media in tweets generated by the official accounts of Spain’s top five political parties during, in the lead-up, and in the immediate aftermath of the Spanish General Elections held on April 28, 2019. Grounded in a corpus of 10,038 tweets collected between March 1 and May 15, 2019, this study quantifies, compares, and critiques how linked media are integrated and remixed into tweets published by the left-leaning Spanish Workers’ Socialist Party (@PSOE), right-wing Popular Party (@populares), left-wing Podemos (@ahorapodemos), neoliberal Citizens (@CiudadanosCs), and far-right Vox (@vox_es) parties. Evidence reveals that each party links to media from somewhat homophilic groups of news outlets, journalists, and public figures, an analysis of which can shed light on how parties construct their digital self-representations, ideological networks of information, and attempt to sway voters.

scholarly journals How Labor Market Inequality Transforms Mass Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 344-355
Author(s):  
Silja Häusermann ◽  
Achim Kemmerling ◽  
David Rueda
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
Labor Market Inequality

AbstractWhy do left parties lose vote shares in times of economic crisis and hardship? Why do right-wing governments implement seemingly left-wing policies, such as labor market activation? Why is representation becoming more and more unequal? And why do workers vote for right-wing populist parties? Several political science theories propose meaningful and important answers to these key questions for comparative politics, focusing on identity politics, programmatic convergence of parties or exogenous constraints. However, there is an additional and distinct approach to all of the questions above, which emphasizes socio-structural transformations in the labor market: most of the processes above can be understood with reference to increasing labor market inequality and its political implications. The relevance and explanatory power of labor market inequality for mass politics have not been fully acknowledged in comparative political science and this is the reason for this symposium. Labor market inequality affects political preferences and behavior, electoral politics, representation, and government strategies. The main purpose of our symposium is to make broader comparative politics research aware of the crucial structural changes that labor markets have undergone in the advanced capitalist democracies of the OECD, and of the tremendous implications these changes have had for politics.

(Un)troubling identity politics: A cultural materialist intervention

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Moran
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Politics Of Recognition ◽  
Raymond Williams ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
In Virtue Of

This article draws on the cultural materialist paradigm articulated by Raymond Williams to offer a radical historicization of the idea of identity, with a view to clarifying and resolving some of the issues animating the ‘identity politics’ debates currently dividing left academia and activism. First, it offers clarity on the concept ‘identity politics’, demonstrating that we should reserve the term to refer only to politics that mobilize specifically and meaningfully around the concept of identity. Second, and in virtue of this, it provides new insights into five central questions that have driven the identity politics debates: Do identity politics always tend towards essentialism?; Do identity politics inevitably promote a politics of recognition over redistribution?; Do identity politics inevitably create political cleavages rather than solidaristic forms of political action?; What is the relationship between ‘identity politics’ and ‘call-out culture’?; And, are the problems of identity politics resolved by reference to intersectionality?

The Rise and Fall of Japan’s New Far Right: How Anti-Korean Discourses Went Mainstream

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-402
Author(s):  
Sharon J. Yoon ◽  
Yuki Asahina
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Organizational Decline ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Welfare Benefits ◽  
Political Group

Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive opportunity for the new Far Right. By framing Korean postcolonial minorities as undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, the Zaitokukai mobilized perceptions of threat that has continued to powerfully influence public perceptions of Koreans even following the group’s organizational decline. While past research has focused on the new Far Right’s political influence, this article stresses their roles as ideological entrepreneurs.

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