Keep Calm and Carry On: Airmindedness and Mass Mobilization during the War of Resistance

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Alan Baumler
Keyword(s):  
Chinese People ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Air Defense ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
War Effort ◽  
War Of Resistance ◽  
Nationalist Government ◽  
Foreign Ideas

Japanese air raids and the Chinese response to them have been studied primarily in the context of Chongqing, the wartime capital, but air defense was a nationwide project, which is best understood in relation to interwar ideas about airmindedness. The combination of pre-war attempts to spread foreign ideas about air defense with the experience of Japanese attacks had a great impact on mass mobilization. The Nationalist government used successful air defense in domestic propaganda as an example of the success of the Chinese war effort and in international propaganda as proof of both the sufferings of the Chinese people under Japanese imperialism and China’s viability as a modern military ally.

Resisting Japan, Fighting Imperialism

2020 ◽  
pp. 141-176
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Reilly
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Women's College ◽  
Safety Zone ◽  
Refugee Students ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
High Profile ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The University

In China’s war with Japan, the Chinese people heroically struggled against Japan, especially in the early years of the war, 1937–1941. The Japanese waged a ruthless attack on soldiers and civilians alike. The Protestant elite sounded the call to resistance. One of the most brutal incidents of the war was the Rape of Nanjing, and the Protestant women’s college, Ginling College, served as the center of a safety zone that protected civilians from the onslaught. Another victim of Japan’s aggression was Liu Zhanen, president of the University of Shanghai, a mission-affiliated school, who was assassinated because of his high-profile defiance of Japan. The YMCA through secretaries such as Liu Liangmo and Jiang Wenhan supported the Nationalist war effort through the association’s services to wounded soldiers and to refugee students. Both men also reached out to their Communist compatriots, allies in the fight against Japanese imperialism.

scholarly journals Drawing Sexual Violence in Wartime China: Anti-Japanese Propaganda Cartoons

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Chinese Women ◽  
Women's Bodies ◽  
Professional Journals ◽  
Japanese Male ◽  
Japanese Military ◽  
War Effort ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
War Of Resistance ◽  
Female Soldiers

During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–45), China's leading cartoon artists formed patriotic associations aimed at repelling the Japanese military. Their stated propaganda goals were to boost morale among the troops and the civilian population by circulating artwork that would ignite the spirit of resistance among Chinese audiences. In keeping with the genre, racialized and sexualized imagery abounded. The artists created myriad disturbing visions of how militarized violence impacted men's and women's bodies differently. By analyzing the two major professional journals, National Salvation Cartoons and War of Resistance Cartoons, this article shows that depictions of sexual violence inflicted on Chinese women were integral to the artists' attempts to arouse the spirit of resistance. By comparing their depictions of different types of bodies (Chinese and Japanese, male and female, soldiers' and civilians') the article argues that the cartoonists believed that the depiction of sexually mutilated Chinese women would build resistance and spur patriotism while equivalent depictions of mutilated male soldiers would sap morale and hamper the war effort. The article concludes with a discussion about the dubious efficacy of propaganda that invokes a hypersexualized, masculine enemy other.

Masculinity, Femininity, Sacrifice, and Celebrity during China’s War of Resistance: Telling the Lives of the Aviators Yan Haiwen (1916-37) and Lee Ya-Ching (1912-98)

NAN Nü ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-115
Author(s):  
Alan Baumler
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Government ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
International Support ◽  
War Effort ◽  
State Actors ◽  
War Of Resistance ◽  
Masculine Discourse

Abstract During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945) the Chinese government publicized heroic pilots to win domestic and international support for the war effort and to raise money. These pilots also helped create a gendered image of China that was used by both state and non-state actors. The male pilot and martyr Yan Haiwen (1916-37) was part of a masculine discourse of sacrifice aimed at domestic audiences. The female pilot Lee Ya-Ching (1912-98) presented a modern, technologized Chinese femininity which assisted in the Chinese war effort by appealing to white audiences, but was also used by Overseas Chinese communities for their own purposes.

The Conscription of Wealth: Mass Warfare and the Demand for Progressive Taxation

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Scheve ◽  
David Stasavage
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Progressive Taxation ◽  
Tax Progressivity ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Notable Increase

AbstractThe dominant narrative of the politics of redistribution in political science and economics highlights the signature role of the rise of electoral democracy and the development of political parties that mobilize working-class groups. We argue in this article that this narrative ignores the critical role played by mass warfare in the development of redistributive public policies. Focusing attention on the determinants of progressive taxation, we argue that mobilization for mass warfare led to demands for increased taxation of the wealthy to more fairly distribute the burden for the war effort. We then show empirically that during the past century, mass mobilization for war has been associated with a notable increase in tax progressivity. In the absence of war, neither the establishment of universal suffrage, nor the arrival of political control by parties of the left is systematically associated with large increases in tax progressivity. In making these arguments, we devote particular attention to a “difference-in-differences” comparison of participants and nonparticipants in World War I.

scholarly journals A WARTIME STAMPEDE: RENEWING A SOCIAL CONTRACT AFTER THE GREAT TUNNEL DISASTER OF CHONGQING

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-75
Author(s):  
Ying-kit Chan
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
The State ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
The Press ◽  
China And Japan ◽  
Nationalist Government ◽  
Chinese Public

Although the Second Sino-Japanese War (the “War”) ended many decades ago, hostilities between China and Japan are still raw in the memory of many Chinese people, even though most of them did not directly experience the War. In particular, the Great Bombing of Chongqing—the indiscriminate, sustained bombing of the Nationalist provisional capital by Japanese warplanes from 1938 to 1943—has been retrieved from the archives as a significant event. Subsumed under the narrative of the Great Bombing, Chongqing's Great Tunnel Disaster (the “Disaster”), following a prolonged Japanese air raid on June 5, 1941, resulted in some of Nationalist China's heaviest civilian casualties. This article discusses the Disaster in detail, suggesting that at the time, it was viewed more as a human-induced “stampede” than as a Japanese “war atrocity” when the Chinese public took to the press and condemned the Nationalist government for its inability to prevent, manage, and mitigate the Disaster's effects. Chinese civilians were attempting to renew and revise a traditional social contract of disaster, according to which the state was responsible for providing adequate relief to victims, by accusing the Nationalist government of callousness, incompetence, and negligence.

Writing about Atrocity: Wartime Accounts and their Contemporary Uses

2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
PARKS M. COBLE
Keyword(s):  
Public Memory ◽  
Current Approach ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
Nanjing Massacre ◽  
War Of Resistance

AbstractIn today's China, public memory of the War of Resistance against Japan, 1937–1945, is more visible than ever. Museums, movies, television programmes, and commemorations focus heavily on the victimization of the Chinese people at the hands of the Japanese invaders. Japanese atrocities, particularly the Nanjing Massacre, are at the centre of much of this remembering. But what of the wartime period? How did journalists and writers discuss Japanese atrocities? This paper finds that most wartime writing stressed the theme of ‘heroic resistance’ by the Chinese rather than China's victimization at the hands of Japanese. Exceptions to this approach included efforts to publicize Japan's action to Western audiences in the hope of gaining support for China's cause, and a related focus on the bombing of the civilian population by the Japanese. This paper suggests major differences between the current approach to remembering the war and to writing during the war itself.

Chiang Kai-shek and the Anti-Japanese Movement in China: Zou Tao-fen and the National Salvation Association, 1931–1937

1985 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parks M. Coble
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Urban China ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
Japanese Military ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
Nationalist Government

AbstractsJapanese imperialism relentlessly besieged the Nationalist government of China during the Nanking decade. Chiang Kai-shek, believing that China was not ready to confront Japanese military power and obsessed with the desire to eliminate the Communists, adopted a policy of consistent appeasement toward the.Japanese. This enraged public opinion in urban China, and Zou Tao-fen, a popular journalist, led the cry for resistance to Japan. He and his associates were continually suppressed by the Nanking government; nevertheless, they published several journals in succession, each of which denounced Chiang's policy toward Japan and all of which achieved enormous circulation. Late in 1935 Zou and his followers helped organize the National Salvation Movement, which demanded that Chiang suspend the civil war against the Communists and fight the Japanese. When Chiang Kai-shek, acting under Japanese pressure, arrested Zou and the leaders of the association in 1936, they became national heroes, the legendary “Seven Gentlemen.” Zou's martyrdom and that of his associates transformed their movement into a powerful political force, one that opposed Chiang and increasingly favored the Chinese Communists.

The Early War of Resistance and the Changsha ymca, 1937-41

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-113
Author(s):  
James J. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Hunan Province ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
Humanitarian Relief ◽  
Relief Effort ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Young Men's Christian Association ◽  
Leadership And Organization ◽  
War Of Resistance ◽  
The City

During the early stages of the War of Resistance Against Japan (1937-1945), organizations such as theymca(Young Men’s Christian Association) were vital to the local and regional humanitarian relief effort in Changsha, the capital of Hunan province. While the city endured intense bombing from Japanese planes,ymcavolunteers cared for the wounded and dug victims out of rubble. The work of Sophia Zhu Tierong 朱铁荣 (1915-2009) and her husband, Zhang Yifan 张以藩 (1906-1957), were integral to theymca’s leadership and organization. Prior to Changsha’s Fire of 1938, theymcaalso organized an evacuation of refugees from the outskirts of the city to West Hunan. This paper argues that, in the wake of the Nationalist government’s preoccupation with the larger war effort, non-state agencies such as theymcawere critical to the humanitarian relief effort in both the city and region.

scholarly journals DONGGALA: FROM IMPERALISM TO THE REGENCY ESTABLISHMENT

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukman Nadjamuddin ◽  
Idrus Idrus
Keyword(s):  
Government Regulation ◽  
Native People ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Japanese Education ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
Physical Attack ◽  
Trade Channel ◽  
To Come

AbstractThe Effort exerted by the Dutch to conquer Banawa Kingdom, particularly Donggala City, began with the assumption derived from economic and political calculation that the confiscation would make it possible for the Dutch to pacify its trade channel in Makasar narrows and extend economic exploitation, given that Donggala had a strategic port, related to the chain of Archipelago’s trade. The method of confiscation-friendship relation was not realized because resistances, in the form of physical attack- began to come forward. In Donggala, Molanda played a role as the main actor in the rebellion. In Sigi, Toma I Dompo consistently attacked, both after and before arrested in Sukabumi. In Sojol, Toma Tarima along with his son assailed the Dutch and in Kulawi, Toma Itorengke set about the Dutch as well.During  the  Japanese  imperialism,  the  education  system  of      the  Dutch  waseliminated, and replaced with Japanese education which required to speak Japanese and Indonesia languages, to sing Kimigayo, to give respect to Hinomaru, to do Seikrei, Kinrohosyi and Taiso. The social and political organization was limited, while those which supported the mass mobilization were established, such as Seinendan. This led the nationalists to do the underground movement. In the agriculture, native people were obligated to plant cotton, rice, corn and cassava as to overcome the lack of food and clothing.After the independence was announced, Donggala faced by two struggle NICAattack and to establish the Donggala Regency. The effort to maintain the freedom was conducted  in  two  ways,  physical  struggle  and           establish           of  social  and  political organization,  while  the  establishment  of  Donggala  Regency  gained  two  important momentum; the establishment of Administrative region of Donggala on the basis of Sulawesi Governor’s verdict no. 633 on October 25th, 1951 and the establishment of Donggala Regency on the basis of Government regulation no.33 on August 12th.1952. Keyword: Donggala, Imperialism, Regency.

Propaganda and Sovereignty in Wartime China: Morale Operations and Psychological Warfare under the Office of War Information

2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHEW D. JOHNSON
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
List Type ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
Total War ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
Japanese Military ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Post War ◽  
War Of Resistance ◽  
Institutional Actors

AbstractDuring the later years of the War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945), United States (US) propaganda activities intensified in both Japanese military-occupied and ‘free’ regions of China. One of the most important organizations behind these activities was the Office of War Information (OWI). This paper examines the OWI, and particularly its Overseas Office, as key institutional actors within a broader US total war effort which touched the lives of civilian populations in East Asia as well as combatants, arguing that: •US propaganda institutions and propagandists played demonstrable roles in representing and shaping the experience of war in China;•these institutions, which included Asians and individuals of Asian descent, simultaneously acted to advance US goals in the wartime ‘Far East’;•while cooperation between US and Chinese governments was sporadic in the area of psychological warfare, conflicts over control often undermined or limited operations;•despite these shortcomings, US propaganda institutions (which included both the OWI and offices within the Department of State) had developed comparatively wide-ranging capabilities by the end of the war, and continued operations into the Civil War of 1945–1949.By 1945 propaganda had become an activity which regularly targeted allied populations as well as enemies. This process was facilitated by the early twentieth-century communications revolution, but was planned and controlled by the new engineers of the post-war order.

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