Ottoman Corporatism, Eighteenth to Twentieth Centuries: Beyond the State-Society Paradigm in Middle Eastern History

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Maria Abdel Karim

Queer representations have been present since the 1930s in Arab and Middle Eastern cinema, albeit always in coded forms. However, the idea of homosexuality or queerness in the Middle East is still not tolerated due to religious, political, social and cultural reasons. Middle Eastern filmmakers who represent homosexual relations in their films could face consequences ranging from censorship to punishment by the State or religious extremists. This article explores the representation of lesbians in three transnational Middle Eastern women’s films: Caramel (Sukkar banat, 2007) by Nadine Labaki, set in Lebanon, Circumstance (2011) by Maryam Keshavarz, set in Iran, and In Between (Bar Bahar, 2016) by Maysaloun Hamoud, set in Israel/Palestine. It analyses the position the female lesbian protagonists occupy in the narrative structure and their treatment within the cinematic discourse. The article will examine mise-en-scène elements and compare each director’s stylistic and directorial approach in representing homosexuality within different social and cultural contexts. It will also prompt discussions related to queer identity, queer feminism, women’s cinema, audience reception and spectatorship within the Middle East.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Maksum

Political economy and religious policies affect the relationship between sharia and financial authorities. Countries that make Islam as the official religion put Sharia authorities within the scope of the state. Malaysia is one of the countries that put Sharia authorities in the structure of state authority, although it is subject to independency. In the meantime, Indonesia combines the two models of relationship: 1) granting broader independence to sharia authority (the Indonesian Ulema Council) and 2) forming sharia board to deal with sharia finance, among others. The comparison of Indonesian, Malaysian, and the Middle Eastern countries’ system shows that the independence and the effectiveness of sharia economic fatwa application are found to attract each other. This, in turn, influences the supervision of Islamic financial institutions.  AbstrakPolitik ekonomi dan kebijakan agama memengaruhi hubungan antara otoritas syariah dan otoritas keuangan. Negara yang menjadikan Islam sebagai agama resmi menempatkan otoritas syariah dalam ruang lingkup negara. Malaysia adalah salah satu negara yang menempatkan otoritas Syariah dalam struktur otoritas negara, meskipun tetap independen. Sementara itu, Indonesia menggabungkan dua model hubungan: 1) memberikan independensi yang lebih luas kepada otoritas syariah (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) dan 2) membentuk dewan syariah untuk menangani hal yang berkaitan dengan keuangan syariah. Perbandingan sistem Indonesia, Malaysia, dan negara-negara Timur Tengah menunjukkan bahwa independensi dan efektivitas penerapan fatwa ekonomi syariah terbukti saling berhubungan satu sama lain. Ini, pada gilirannya, memengaruhi pengawasan lembaga keuangan Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
A. O. Pobedonostseva-Kaya

The article deals with the problem of political influence on scholarship. It analyses the existing versions of an ethnographic essay by Oleg Vilchevsky, a prominent Soviet Orientalist. Alongside a published version the ethnographic essay “The Mukri Kurds” — an author’s typescript, “Mukri Kurdistan,” has been found in the Scientific Archive of Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkamera) of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The first materials for this essay were collected by Vilchevsky during his journey to Iran in 1942 as he prepared a military-political description of the Kurdish regions. Before publication, the state-controlled structures removed or made the author remove from the essay a number of important thematic blocks, e. g., on interconfessional relations in Mukri Kurdistan of Iran (focusing on Mahabad), descriptions of various meetings Vilchevsky held with Kurdish activists. The paper analyses the content of this scholarly study and the problems related to the publication of the essay in the context of Vilchevsky’s participation as a Soviet military officer in the implementation of the Soviet Middle Eastern policies in 1942–1954. The author of the essay “The Mukri Kurds” apparently strived to maintain scholarly neutrality yet the facts and argumentation contained in the different variants of this study were consistently reviewed and added or omitted depending on the existing political situation. The paper raises the question about the subjectivity or autonomy of a scholar serving a government — something effectively dismissed and neglected in the work of Edward Said on the relationship between politics and scholarship in the field of Middle Eastern studies.


Author(s):  
Paul E. Lenze, Jr.

Algeria is a state in the Maghreb that has been dominated by military rule for the majority of its existence. The National People’s Army (ANP) used nationalism to justify its intervention into politics while ensuring that withdrawal would occur only if national identity were protected. Algeria, similar to other Middle Eastern states, underwent historical trajectories influenced by colonialism, the Cold War, and post-9/11 politics; briefly experimented with democracy; and as a result, experienced the military as the dominant institution in the state. The resignation of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika after 20 years of rule in April 2019, following six weeks of popular protest, has raised questions as to whether democratization is possible. Algeria’s history of military involvement in politics, the strength of the military as an institution, and its cooperative links with domestic elites and international actors portend the endurance of authoritarianism for the foreseeable future.


2020 ◽  
pp. 216-233
Author(s):  
Pradeep Chhibber ◽  
Harsh Shah

Rahul Gandhi, the former president of the Congress party, has many interests, from cooking to scuba diving to martial arts, Rahul is a man of multiple interests. He reads widely, and his taste is eclectic, ranging from Middle Eastern history to Chinese philosophy. Rahul values his privacy but gets very little of it because of the security detail around him. Even though he is continuously surrounded by people and lives enclosed in a security bubble, he has a good sense of the issues faced by most Indians. Rahul Gandhi is a respectful, personable, and discerning politician, yet can be a staunch critic of the state when required.


1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-517
Author(s):  
Ragaei El Mallakh

In the past two years there has been an upsurge in interest in African studies in the State, particularly through the activities of the faculties of the Universities of Colorado and Denver, and Colorado State University. Beginning in the 1967–68 academic year, the University of Colorado offered a Bachelor of Arts degree in African and Middle Eastern Studies, and is expanding its graduate courses with a multi-disciplinary approach. In the spring of 1969 the Center on International Race Relations at the Graduate School of International Studies of the University of Denver began operation with primary emphasis on Africa and Asia. Of equal importance, however, is the high level of co-operation in African studies among the institutions of higher learning throughout the State. This effort involves the maximisation of Africanist talent via the exchange of staff and students, and regional meetings and conferences.


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


1997 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Augustus Richard Norton ◽  
Diane Singerman ◽  
Mary E. Morris ◽  
Valentine M. Moghadam ◽  
Munira A. Fakhro ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ihsan Yilmaz ◽  
Greg Barton ◽  
James Barry

AbstractFor decades, Turkish Islamists have failed to attract the votes of large sections of society and remained marginal. As a result of this failure to come to power, and due to domestic and international constraints and windows of opportunities, they have declared that they have jettisoned Islamism. Many Turkish Muslims whose religious disposition was shaped by the pluralistic urban Ottoman experience and small-town Anatolian traditionalism, and by the contesting currents of cosmopolitan pluralism and rural social conservatism, voted in favour of these former Islamists who have become “Muslim Democrats”. This paper elaborates on the genealogy of Turkish Islamists and their political trajectories and argues that when the forces and constraints of domestic and external social, political and economic conditions disappeared and the opportunities derived from being Muslim Democrats no longer existed, the former Islamists easily returned to their original ideology, showing that despite assertions to the contrary their respect for democracy and pluralism had not truly been internalised. This paper also aims to demonstrate that similar to other authoritarian populists, Erdoganists perceive the state and its leader as more important than anything else and as being above everything else, which has culminated in a personality cult and sanctification of the state. As long as Turkey’s economy continued to boom, almost everyone was happy that Turkey could readily market the “Muslim Democrats” story to the whole world for a long period as a major success story, or as an “exemplary Muslim country” or “model”. Yet, Middle Eastern elites and Western forces got carried away and learnt the hard way just how naive their view was in perhaps the first great transformation movement of the twenty-first century – the Arab Spring. Likewise, the Turkish Spring turned all too quickly towards autumn and then winter.


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