scholarly journals Słownik Józefa Krasnego a żywy polski język radziecki w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym (kilka uwag o konkursie ogłoszonym przez „Trybunę Radziecką” w 1930 roku)

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Tamara Graczykowska

The dictionary of Józef Krasny and Polish living Russian language in the interwar period (several remarks about the competition published in „Trybuna Radziecka” in 1930)In 1930 the editor-in-chief of the Russian-Polish Dictionary, Józef Krasny, asked the readers of the newspaper “Trybuna Radziecka”, published in Moscow in 1927–1938, to send to the newspaper “Trybuna Radziecka” the best Polish equivalents of presented words. The list of the Rusicisms and the Sovietisms was published in “Trybuna Radziecka” and contained about 90 lexems. In Józef Krasny’s opinion these words had not very good translation in the Soviet Polish language. He described the process of creation of this dictionary in “Trybuna Radziecka”. The editor of Russian-Polish dictionary made effort to reflect as closely as possible the language of proletarian revolution, the new realities of life in the Soviet Union. The Russian-Polish Dictionary was criticized by contemporaries. Among them was Bruno Jasieński. The article presents a lexical material excerpted from the “Trybuna Radziecka”. The author tries to show that many of lexems presented in “Trybuna Radziecka” in list of Józef Krasny were in common use in the Soviet variant of Polish language in the years preceding World War II. The author incorporated only these Rusicisms and Sovietisms extracted from the “Trybuna Radziecka” which were presented in newspaper by Józef Krasny and were discussed in the newspaper ”Kultura Mas” by Bruno Jasieński. The paper contains 12 pairs of lexems, like czystka – przesiew, gbur – kułak, gosprad – kołchoz, łazik – progulszczyk. The aim of the article is show that the “Trybuna Radziecka” reflects living Polish language in the post-revolution Soviet Russia.  Словарь Юзефа Красного и  живой польский советский язык в двадцатилетие между первой и второй мировой войнoй (несколько замечаний о конкурсе, объявленном газетой „Trybuna Radziecka” в 1930 г.)В  1930  году  редакция  газеты  „Trybuna  Radziecka”,  которая  издавалась в Москве, проживающими здесь польскими коммунистами, объявила языковой конкурс. Редактор польско-русских словарей поместил в газете список русских лексем, не имеющих, по его мнению, удачных польских эквивалентов. В список вошли, главным образом, наименования новых советских реалиий (напр., избач, колхоз, подкулачник, прогул, прогульщик, чистка и др.). Редактор Юзеф Красны обратился к читателям с просьбой присылать в редакцию газеты переводы указанных слов с целью выбора самых удачных эквивалентов и помещения их в подготавливаемом для издания русско-польском словаре.В статье рассмотрена часть таких слов. Автор пытался показать, что советизмы и руссизмы (заимствования из русского языка), отобраны Ю. Красным были использованы также в языке (польском) газеты „Trybuna Radziecka”. На страницах газеты параллельно появлялись и руссизмы, к которым автор словаря просил подбирать эквиваленты, как и новые польские переводы советской лексики (напр., czystka – przesiew, gosprad – sowchoz, łazik – progulszczyk, wyrwa – proryw).

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kamusella

The New Polish Cyrillic in Independent BelarusAfter the fall of communism and the breakup of the Soviet Union, the religious life of the Roman Catholic community revived in independent Belarus. The country’s Catholics are concentrated in western Belarus, which prior to World War II was part of Poland. In 1991 in Hrodna (Horadnia, Grodno) Region, the Diocese of Hrodna was established. Slightly over half of the region’s population are Catholics and many identify as ethnic Poles. Following the ban on the official use of Polish in postwar Soviet Belarus, the aforementioned region’s population gained an education in Belarusian and Russian, as channeled through the Cyrillic alphabet. Hence, following the 1991 independence of Belarus, the population’s knowledge of the Latin alphabet was none, or minimal. For the sake of providing the faithful with Polish-language religious material that would be of some practical use, the diocesan authorities decided to publish some Polish-language prayer books, but printed in the Russian-style Cyrillic. This currently widespread use of Cyrillic-based Polish-language publications in Belarus remains unknown outside the country, either in Poland or elsewhere in Europe. Nowa polska cyrylica w niepodległej Białorusi Po upadku komunizmu i rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego życie religijne wspólnoty rzymskokatolickiej przeżyło odrodzenie w niepodległej Białorusi. Katolicy tego kraju koncentrują się w zachodniej Białorusi, która przed II wojną światową była włączona w skład Polski. W 1991 r. w obwodzie hrodzieńskim (horadnieńskim/grodzieńskim) powstała Diecezja Hrodzieńska. Nieco ponad połowa ludności obwodu to katolicy, a wielu identyfikuje się jako etniczni Polacy. Zgodnie z zakazem oficjalnego używania języka polskiego w powojennej Białorusi sowieckiej ludność wspomnianego regionu zdobywała wykształcenie w językach białoruskim i rosyjskim, oczywiście zapisywanych cyrylicą. Stąd po odzyskaniu niepodległości przez Białoruś w 1991 r. znajomość alfabetu łacińskiego wśród tej ludności była nikła. W trosce o zapewnienie wiernym polskojęzycznych wydawnictw religijnych, które potrafiliby czytać i z nich korzystać w kościele i podczas osobistej modlitwy, władze diecezjalne postanowiły opublikować kilka książek w języku polskim, ale wydrukować je rosyjską cyrylicą. To zjawisko powszechnegokorzystania z książek religijnych w języku polskim drukowanych cyrylicą na zachodzie dzisiejszej Białorusi pozostaje nieznane poza granicami tego kraju, w tym w Polsce.


2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis H. Siegelbaum

Labor (meaning both wage workers as well as their collective representation) in Russia was a major loser in the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Aggregate data on prices, average wage and pension levels, wage arrears, and unemployment indicate a serious decline in workers’ standard of living that is unprecedented in the post-World War II era, while strike data show an upsurge in this form of worker militancy during the mid-1990s but a decline thereafter.This article seeks to explain both why these developments occurred and what prevented workers from adequately defending their collective interests. Four explanations have been advanced by Western and Russian scholars. The first is that workers were victims of state policies pursued in line with the“Washington consensus” on how to effectuate the transition from an administrative-command to a market-based economy. The second points to workers’ attitudes and practices that were prevalent under Soviet conditions but proved inappropriate to post-Soviet life. The third, claiming that several key indices of workers’ standard of living are misleading, denies that labor has been a loser. The fourth and most compelling of the explanations is derived from ethnographically based research. It argues that despite changes in the forms of property and politics, power relations at the enterprise level remained intact, leaving workers and their unions dependent on the ability of management to bargain with suppliers of subsidies and credits. The article concludes with some observations about workers’ survival strategies and the extent to which collective dependence on economic and political strongmen has worked against structural change in favor of labor.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Bardziński

This article penetrates the idealistic, Marxist concept of the 'new  Soviet man', linking it with the notion of eugenics. Departing from a reconstruction of the history and specificity of the eugenic movement in Russia since the late 19th century until the installation of Joseph Stalin as the only ruler of the Soviet Union, Lysenkoism paradigm of Soviet natural sciences is being evoked as a theoretical frame for Soviet-specific eugenic programme. Through referring to a number of chosen – both theoretical (classic Marxist works) and practical (chosen aspects of Soviet science and internal politics) – issues and cases, the concept of the 'new Soviet man' is being confronted with an original reading of eugenics, understood in neo-Lamarckian terms of direct shaping human beings through environmental conditions (comprehending the GULag system of labour camps, pseudo-medical experiments and other) and intergenerational transfer (through inheritance) of acquired traits.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toivo U. Raun

The past two decades have witnessed a reassessment and broadening of conceptions of identity among both the ethnic Estonian and Russian populations in Estonia. In addition to a continuing focus on aspects of national distinctiveness, emphasizing their small numbers, language, culture, territorial homeland, and—as a new factor—the state, the Estonians have increasingly engaged with a wider range of identities (local, regional, and European). Among these, the regional level has been the most productive, enhancing Estonia’s already strong ties to Finland but also fostering closer connections to its other Nordic and Baltic neighbors. Although integration into NATO and integration into the European Union continue to receive strong approval, a European identity is still in the process of formation. For the Russian community, the fall of communism led to a full reevaluation of the bases of its identity. The major trend has seen a shift from a political consciousness (loyalty to the Soviet Union) to a greater emphasis on the Russian language and ethnicity. In spite of the general peacefulness of ethnic relations, any meaningful integration of the two major nationalities in Estonia remains incomplete, as graphically demonstrated in the Bronze Soldier affair in April 2007. Russians, especially younger ones, increasingly know the Estonian language, but views of history, especially regarding World War II, and attitudes toward Russia still differ markedly between the Estonian and Russian populations. The process of integration is further complicated by the neighboring and still powerful kin-state of the local Russian population.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 486-498
Author(s):  
Elena A. Kotelenets ◽  
Maria Yu. Lavrenteva

The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.


Slavic Review ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Alfred D. Low

During the interwar period, the leadership of the Soviet Union did a onehundred- eighty degree turn in its policy toward the political link-up between Austria and Germany. The Soviets first denounced the victorious Western powers’ prohibition of the Anschluss. Later they showed outright opposition to the Nazi drive for German unification in Central Europe. The Austrian Communist Party and international communism promptly executed the same turnabout. In accordance with the new line, during and at the end of World War II, the Soviet Union joined the Allies in supporting the restoration of Austrian independence and sovereignty.


2016 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 232-262
Author(s):  
Tamara Graczykowska

Observations on the Soviet Vocabulary in the Ethnic Polish Language and the Soviet Polish Language in the Interwar Period (Based on Trzaska-Evert-Michalski “Encyclopedic Dictionary of Foreign Words” and “Trybuna Radziecka,” 1927–1938)The paper discusses the Soviet vocabulary extracted from “Trybuna Radziecka”, a cen­tral Polish weekly published in Moscow in 1927–1938 and edited by Polish left‑wing intelligentsia, living in the USRR as political émigrés in this period as well as some Sovietisms included in the Encyclopedic Dictionary of Foreign Words, edited by S. Lam, published by Trzaska-Evert-Michalski in Warsaw in 1939. The author tries to demon­strate that the new realities of life and state power in the Soviet Union had immense influence on the Polish language in Russia in the interwar period, and especially on the language of “Trybuna Radziecka.” This weekly was imbued with Sovietisms. They were in common use of the Poles living in Soviet Russia in the interwar period. The Soviet vocabulary in Trzaska-Evert-Michalski dictionary represents two layers. The first one includes lexical items fully assimilated by the Polish language, e.g. kołchoz, komsomolec. The second one contains exotic words, used occasionally, e.g. ispołkom, krasnoarmiejec, otlicznik, piatiletka. Uwagi o sowietyzmach w polszczyźnie etnicznej i radzieckiej w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym (na materiale Encyklopedycznego słownika wyrazów obcych. Pochodzenie wyrazów, wymowa, objaśnienia pojęć, skróty, przysłowia, cytaty Trzaski, Everta, Michalskiego i moskiewskiej „Trybuny Radzieckiej” z lat 1927–1938)W artykule omówiono słownictwo radzieckie zarejestrowane w Encyklopedycznym słowniku wyrazów obcych wydanym w 1939 r. w Warszawie przez Trzaskę, Everta, Michalskiego, pod redakcją S. Lama i jednocześnie odzwierciedlone w „Trybunie Radzieckiej”, która ukazywała się w Moskwie w latach 1927–1938. Sowietyzmy zamieszczone w słowniku Trzaski i in. można podzielić na dwie grupy. Pierwszą grupę stanowią wyrazy, które nigdy nie były w powszechnym użyciu w komunikacji językowej Polaków, mogły się pojawiać okazjonalnie w tekstach publicystycznych, zyskując odcień żartobliwy czy ironiczny. Zapożyczenia te nie są zasymilowane (np. ispołkom, krasnoarmiejec, otlicznik, piatiletka). Grupę drugą tworzą wyrazy będące jedynymi nazwami określonych desygnatów, niezbędnych do opisania socjalistycznej rzeczywistości w Rosji radzieckiej. Są one całkowicie przyswojone przez język polski (np. agitka, kołchoz, komsomolec). W odróżnieniu od polszczyzny ogólnej, w pore­wolucyjnej polszczyźnie radzieckiej wszystkie te jednostki występowały bez żadnych ograniczeń (często świadczy o tym ich duża frekwencja tekstowa oraz rejestracja w innych źródłach radzieckich).


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-702
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

In 1946, the entertainer and activist Paul Robeson pondered America's intentions in Iran. In what was to become one of the first major crises of the Cold War, Iran was fighting a Soviet aggressor that did not want to leave. Robeson posed the question, “Is our State Department concerned with protecting the rights of Iran and the welfare of the Iranian people, or is it concerned with protecting Anglo-American oil in that country and the Middle East in general?” This was a loaded question. The US was pressuring the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops after its occupation of the country during World War II. Robeson wondered why America cared so much about Soviet forces in Iranian territory, when it made no mention of Anglo-American troops “in countries far removed from the United States or Great Britain.” An editorial writer for a Black journal in St. Louis posed a different variant of the question: Why did the American secretary of state, James F. Byrnes, concern himself with elections in Iran, Arabia or Azerbaijan and yet not “interfere in his home state, South Carolina, which has not had a free election since Reconstruction?”


Author(s):  
Vēsma Lēvalde

The article is a cultural-historical study and a part of the project Uniting History, which aims to discover the multicultural aspect of performing art in pre-war Liepaja and summarize key facts about the history of the Liepāja Symphony Orchestra. The study also seeks to identify the performing artists whose life was associated with Liepāja and who were repressed between 1941 and 1945, because of aggression by both the Soviet Union and National Socialist Germany. Until now, the cultural life of this period in Liepāja has been studied in a fragmentary way, and materials are scattered in various archives. There are inaccurate and even contradictory testimonies of events of that time. The study marks both the cultural and historical situation of the 1920s and the 1930s in Liepāja and tracks the fates of several artists in the period between 1939 and 1945. On the eve of World War II, Liepāja has an active cultural life, especially in theatre and music. Liepāja City Drama and Opera is in operation staging both dramatic performances, operas, and ballet, employing an orchestra. The symphony orchestra also operated at the Liepāja Philharmonic, where musicians were recruited every season according to the principles of contemporary festival orchestras. Liepāja Folk Conservatory (music school) had also formed an orchestra of students and teachers. Guest concerts were held regularly. A characteristic feature of performing arts in Liepaja was its multicultural character – musicians of different nationalities with experience from different schools of the world were encountered there. World War II not only disrupted the balance in society, but it also had a very concrete and tragic impact on the fates of the people, including the performing artists. Many were killed, many repressed and placed in prisons and camps, and many went to exile to the West. Others were forced to either co-operate with the occupation forces or give up their identity and, consequently, their career as an artist. Nevertheless, some artists risked their lives to save others.


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