Effects of Imprisonment and Community Supervision on Neighborhood Political Participation in North Carolina

2013 ◽  
Vol 651 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Traci R. Burch
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Census Bureau ◽  
Community Supervision ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Probation And Parole ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Analyze Data

This article considers the effect of prison, probation, and parole on neighborhood political participation in North Carolina. I analyze data from state boards of elections, departments of corrections, departments of public health, the Census Bureau, and market research firms for 2000 and 2008. Multivariate regressions reveal a complex relationship between criminal justice supervision and voter turnout. The evidence suggests that at the individual level and in the aggregate, the criminal justice system shapes neighborhood political participation.

scholarly journals Criminal Justice Debt During the Prisoner Reintegration Process: Who Has It and How Much?

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan W. Link
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Negative Binomial ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Community Supervision ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Prisoner Reintegration ◽  
Negative Binomial Models ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Binomial Models ◽  
Transition Home

Much recent, national attention has centered on financial sanctions and associated debt burdens related to criminal justice. Scholars and practitioners alike have argued that financial debt among the incarcerated, in particular, exacerbates a transition home already defined by difficulties. This article takes a step back and assesses who is at risk of these adverse consequences in reentry by examining the extent of debt burdens that resulted from financial sanctions, its sources, and the individual-level factors that are associated with owing criminal justice debt. Relying on the Returning Home data ( N = 740), results from descriptive analyses, logistic regression, and negative binomial models show that a large proportion of respondents owed debts and that debt was strongly linked with being mandated to community supervision. In addition, debt amount was predicted by employment, income, and race. Policy implications in the realm of financial sanctioning by courts and correctional agencies are discussed.

NATURAL DISASTERS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: THE CASE OF JAPAN AND THE 2011 TRIPLE DISASTER

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-381
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Percent Increase ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Identification Strategy

AbstractWhat effect do natural disasters have on political participation? Some argue that natural disasters decrease political participation because of the way they reduce individual and group resources. Others argue that they stimulate political participation by creating new social norms. Previous studies have been limited both by their focus on a specific disaster type and a lack of regional variation. This article advances the literature by assessing the effect of the 2011 triple disaster in Japan on political participation at both the individual and district level. Drawing on multiple sources of data, I use a difference-in-differences identification strategy to show that the 2011 triple disaster in Japan resulted in a 6 percent increase in participation in political groups in regions heavily affected by the disaster, and a 2.5 percent increase in voter turnout in districts in prefectures that were significantly affected by the disaster. The results also show that the effect at the individual level is largely confined to individuals with large social networks, suggesting that the effect of natural disasters on political participation is a combination of their direct and indirect impact on variables that operate through different subpopulations. Directions for future studies are suggested.

scholarly journals Levels and Determinants of Youth Political Participation: Regional Inequalities and Northeastern Slovenia

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2018) (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrej Kirbiš
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Regional Variation ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Scientific Paper ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Regional Inequalities ◽  
Post Communism

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovenian, Summary in Slovenian) Key words: political participation, determinants, youth, Slovenia, regional inequalities, democracy, civic participation, democratization, democratic consolidation, post-communism Abstract: The main purpose of our study was 1) to analyse previously unexamined regional inequalities in four dimensions of political participation among Slovenian youth (self-reported voter turnout, non-electoral conventional participation, protest participation and civic participation); 2) to examine macro-determinants of regional inequalities in political participation; and 3) to examine regional variation in individual-level determinants of political participation. We found several substantial regional inequalities in youth political participation, although the extent of inequalities differed depending on examined participation dimension. Regional inequalities exist particularly in voter turnout and civic participation, while at the same time, regions that score higher on one dimension in some cases score lower on other dimensions.

New Technology Communication in American State Governments

2012 ◽  
pp. 1806-1823
Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
New Technology ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electronic Systems ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Combined Data

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.

New Technology Communication in American State Governments

2012 ◽  
pp. 573-590
Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
New Technology ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electronic Systems ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Combined Data

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.

Polling place changes and political participation: evidence from North Carolina presidential elections, 2008–2016

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Clinton ◽  
Nick Eubank ◽  
Adriane Fresh ◽  
Michael E. Shepherd
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Search Costs ◽  
Change Over Time ◽  
Early Voting ◽  
Location Change ◽  
Over Time

Abstract How do changes in Election Day polling place locations affect voter turnout? We study the behavior of more than 2 million eligible voters across three closely-contested presidential elections (2008–2016) in the swing state of North Carolina. Leveraging within-voter variation in polling place location change over time, we demonstrate that polling place changes reduce Election Day voting on average statewide. However, this effect is almost completely offset by substitution into early voting, suggesting that voters, on average, respond to a change in their polling place by choosing to vote early. While there is heterogeneity in these effects by the distance of the polling place change and the race of the affected voter, the fully offsetting substitution into early voting still obtains. We theorize this is because voters whose polling places change location receive notification mailers, offsetting search costs and priming them to think about the election before election day, driving early voting.

scholarly journals “A Twenty-Hour-a-Day Job”

2016 ◽  
Vol 665 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Comfort
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Family Members ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Community Supervision ◽  
Management Intervention ◽  
Probation And Parole ◽  
Case Management Intervention ◽  
Ethnographic Data ◽  
Criminal Justice Contact

In the growing field of research on the consequences of criminal justice contact for family life, a heavy emphasis has been placed on how imprisonment influences the emotional, physical, and socioeconomic well-being of prisoners’ loved ones. In this article, I elaborate on and analyze the experiences of family members of people with frequent, low-level criminal justice involvement. I draw on ethnographic data collected in partnership with a clinical social worker over the course of a three-year study of an intensive case management intervention for HIV-positive individuals. Findings indicate that loved ones’ brief jail stays and community supervision through probation and parole pose hardships for family members that are distinct from those hardships that arise during imprisonment. These experiences are uniquely destabilizing, may confer specific risks to family members’ well-being, and merit further study to inform programs, social services, and public policy.

scholarly journals Birth Order and Voter Turnout

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Bernt Bratsberg ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes ◽  
Andreas Kotsadam ◽  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Richard Öhrvall ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Birth Order ◽  
Family Environment ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Order Effect ◽  
Nordic Countries ◽  
Register Data ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Birth Order Effect

Abstract Previous studies have stressed the role of a child's family environment for future political participation. This field of research has, however, overlooked that children within the same family have different experiences depending on their birth order. First-borns spend their first years of life without having to compete over their parents' attention and resources, while their younger siblings are born into potential rivalry. We examine differences in turnout depending on birth order, using unique population-wide individual level register data from Sweden and Norway that enables precise within-family estimates. We consistently find that higher birth order entails lower turnout, and that the turnout differential with respect to birth order is stronger when turnout is lower. The link between birth order and turnout holds when we use data from four other, non-Nordic countries. This birth order effect appears to be partly mediated by socio-economic position and attitudinal predispositions.

What We Know about Voter-ID Laws, Registration, and Turnout

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 87-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Randon Hershey
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Individual ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Voter Id

“Turning out to vote is the most common and important act citizens take in a democracy,” John Aldrich writes (1993, 246), “and, therefore, is one of the most important behaviors for scholars of democratic politics to understand.” Turnout matters at the community as well as the individual level; the larger a county's voter turnout, for instance, the more discretionary federal resources it is likely to receive per capita (Martin 2003). “The blunt truth,” according to V. O. Key (1949, 527), “is that politicians and officials are under no compulsion to pay much heed to classes and groups of citizens that do not vote.”

Did Bill C-24 Affect Voter Turnout? Evidence from the 2000 and 2004 Elections

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 935-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John Loewen ◽  
André Blais
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Third Place ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Nous Trouvons ◽  
Nous Examinons ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Way

Abstract. By tying subsidies to vote totals, Bill C-24 substantially changed the way Canadian national parties are financed. This raises the possibility of increased voter turnout, as parties face greater incentives to maximize vote totals, and voters face greater incentives to turn out. We consider this possibility. We show that turnout was not differently affected by closeness in 2004 than in 2000; that candidates' efforts were not greater in 2004 in more marginal ridings; that there were no differences in the likelihood of abstaining or deserting a preferred third-place party in 2004 and 2000; and that at the individual level, the decision to turn out was not affected by strategic considerations in the expected direction. Accordingly, we find little support for the possibility that C-24 increased turnout.Résumé. En liant les subventions au total des votes obtenus, la loi C-24 modifie substantiellement le financement des partis politiques nationaux au Canada. Ce changement pourrait induire une augmentation de la participation électorale puisque les partis ont intérêt à maximiser le nombre de votes et les électeurs sont davantage incités à voter. Nous examinons cette hypothèse. Nous démontrons que l'influence de l'intensité de la lutte entre les candidates sur la participation électorale n'a pas été différente en 2004 qu'en 2000; que les efforts des candidats n'ont pas été plus intenses en 2004 dans les circonscriptions perdues à l'avance; que la probabilité de s'abstenir ou de renoncer à appuyer un tiers parti n'a pas changé entre 2000 et 2004; et que la décision individuelle de participer à l'élection n'a pas été influencée par des considérations stratégiques allant dans la direction prévue. En conséquence, nous trouvons peu de preuves confirmant l'hypothèse selon laquelle la loi C-24 a favorisé la participation électorale.

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