NATURAL DISASTERS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: THE CASE OF JAPAN AND THE 2011 TRIPLE DISASTER

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-381
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Percent Increase ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Identification Strategy

AbstractWhat effect do natural disasters have on political participation? Some argue that natural disasters decrease political participation because of the way they reduce individual and group resources. Others argue that they stimulate political participation by creating new social norms. Previous studies have been limited both by their focus on a specific disaster type and a lack of regional variation. This article advances the literature by assessing the effect of the 2011 triple disaster in Japan on political participation at both the individual and district level. Drawing on multiple sources of data, I use a difference-in-differences identification strategy to show that the 2011 triple disaster in Japan resulted in a 6 percent increase in participation in political groups in regions heavily affected by the disaster, and a 2.5 percent increase in voter turnout in districts in prefectures that were significantly affected by the disaster. The results also show that the effect at the individual level is largely confined to individuals with large social networks, suggesting that the effect of natural disasters on political participation is a combination of their direct and indirect impact on variables that operate through different subpopulations. Directions for future studies are suggested.

Effects of Imprisonment and Community Supervision on Neighborhood Political Participation in North Carolina

2013 ◽  
Vol 651 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Traci R. Burch
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Census Bureau ◽  
Community Supervision ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Probation And Parole ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Analyze Data

This article considers the effect of prison, probation, and parole on neighborhood political participation in North Carolina. I analyze data from state boards of elections, departments of corrections, departments of public health, the Census Bureau, and market research firms for 2000 and 2008. Multivariate regressions reveal a complex relationship between criminal justice supervision and voter turnout. The evidence suggests that at the individual level and in the aggregate, the criminal justice system shapes neighborhood political participation.

scholarly journals Levels and Determinants of Youth Political Participation: Regional Inequalities and Northeastern Slovenia

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2018) (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrej Kirbiš
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Regional Variation ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Scientific Paper ◽  
One Dimension ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Regional Inequalities ◽  
Post Communism

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovenian, Summary in Slovenian) Key words: political participation, determinants, youth, Slovenia, regional inequalities, democracy, civic participation, democratization, democratic consolidation, post-communism Abstract: The main purpose of our study was 1) to analyse previously unexamined regional inequalities in four dimensions of political participation among Slovenian youth (self-reported voter turnout, non-electoral conventional participation, protest participation and civic participation); 2) to examine macro-determinants of regional inequalities in political participation; and 3) to examine regional variation in individual-level determinants of political participation. We found several substantial regional inequalities in youth political participation, although the extent of inequalities differed depending on examined participation dimension. Regional inequalities exist particularly in voter turnout and civic participation, while at the same time, regions that score higher on one dimension in some cases score lower on other dimensions.

New Technology Communication in American State Governments

2012 ◽  
pp. 1806-1823
Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
New Technology ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electronic Systems ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Combined Data

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.

New Technology Communication in American State Governments

2012 ◽  
pp. 573-590
Author(s):  
Hyun Jung Yun ◽  
Cynthia Opheim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
New Technology ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electronic Systems ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Combined Data

This study examines the effects of states’ e-government efforts, more specifically the progress of e-service and e-democracy, on citizens’ general political engagement and electoral participation. Utilizing the combined data with the state level of West’s e-Government measures (2008) and the individual level of the 2008 American Election Study, this study finds a strong link between state sponsored efforts at e-Government and traditional forms of the public’s political participation. State sponsored digital services and outreach increase general political participation more than campaign activities, and the implementation of e-democracy has a greater effect on mobilization than e-service. The results imply that e-government has potential to ameliorate political exclusion by letting the politically disadvantaged access a higher quality of information with an equalized accessibility through state governments’ electronic systems.

A CONNECTIONIST ABM OF SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION PROCESSES

2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (06) ◽  
pp. 1250077 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIRK VAN ROOY
Keyword(s):  
Social Influence ◽  
Network Structure ◽  
Social Adaptation ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Agent Based ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Extensive Research Program ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Over Time

This paper introduces a connectionist Agent-Based Model (cABM) that incorporates detailed, micro-level understanding of social influence processes derived from laboratory studies and that aims to contextualize these processes in such a way that it becomes possible to model multidirectional, dynamic influences in extended social networks. At the micro-level, agent processes are simulated by recurrent auto-associative networks, an architecture that has a proven ability to simulate a variety of individual psychological and memory processes [D. Van Rooy, F. Van Overwalle, T. Vanhoomissen, C. Labiouse and R. French, Psychol. Rev. 110, 536 (2003)]. At the macro-level, these individual networks are combined into a "community of networks" so that they can exchange their individual information with each other by transmitting information on the same concepts from one net to another. This essentially creates a network structure that reflects a social system in which (a collection of) nodes represent individual agents and the links between agents the mutual social influences that connect them [B. Hazlehurst, and E. Hutchins, Lang. Cogn. Process. 13, 373 (1998)]. The network structure itself is dynamic and shaped by the interactions between the individual agents through simple processes of social adaptation. Through simulations, the cABM generates a number of novel predictions that broadly address three main issues: (1) the consequences of the interaction between multiple sources and targets of social influence (2) the dynamic development of social influence over time and (3) collective and individual opinion trajectories over time. Some of the predictions regarding individual level processes have been tested and confirmed in laboratory experiments. In a extensive research program, data is currently being collected from real groups that will allow validating the predictions of cABM regarding aggregate outcomes.

scholarly journals Birth Order and Voter Turnout

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Bernt Bratsberg ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes ◽  
Andreas Kotsadam ◽  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Richard Öhrvall ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Birth Order ◽  
Family Environment ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Order Effect ◽  
Nordic Countries ◽  
Register Data ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Birth Order Effect

Abstract Previous studies have stressed the role of a child's family environment for future political participation. This field of research has, however, overlooked that children within the same family have different experiences depending on their birth order. First-borns spend their first years of life without having to compete over their parents' attention and resources, while their younger siblings are born into potential rivalry. We examine differences in turnout depending on birth order, using unique population-wide individual level register data from Sweden and Norway that enables precise within-family estimates. We consistently find that higher birth order entails lower turnout, and that the turnout differential with respect to birth order is stronger when turnout is lower. The link between birth order and turnout holds when we use data from four other, non-Nordic countries. This birth order effect appears to be partly mediated by socio-economic position and attitudinal predispositions.

What We Know about Voter-ID Laws, Registration, and Turnout

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 87-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Randon Hershey
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Individual ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Voter Id

“Turning out to vote is the most common and important act citizens take in a democracy,” John Aldrich writes (1993, 246), “and, therefore, is one of the most important behaviors for scholars of democratic politics to understand.” Turnout matters at the community as well as the individual level; the larger a county's voter turnout, for instance, the more discretionary federal resources it is likely to receive per capita (Martin 2003). “The blunt truth,” according to V. O. Key (1949, 527), “is that politicians and officials are under no compulsion to pay much heed to classes and groups of citizens that do not vote.”

Did Bill C-24 Affect Voter Turnout? Evidence from the 2000 and 2004 Elections

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 935-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John Loewen ◽  
André Blais
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Third Place ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Nous Trouvons ◽  
Nous Examinons ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Way

Abstract. By tying subsidies to vote totals, Bill C-24 substantially changed the way Canadian national parties are financed. This raises the possibility of increased voter turnout, as parties face greater incentives to maximize vote totals, and voters face greater incentives to turn out. We consider this possibility. We show that turnout was not differently affected by closeness in 2004 than in 2000; that candidates' efforts were not greater in 2004 in more marginal ridings; that there were no differences in the likelihood of abstaining or deserting a preferred third-place party in 2004 and 2000; and that at the individual level, the decision to turn out was not affected by strategic considerations in the expected direction. Accordingly, we find little support for the possibility that C-24 increased turnout.Résumé. En liant les subventions au total des votes obtenus, la loi C-24 modifie substantiellement le financement des partis politiques nationaux au Canada. Ce changement pourrait induire une augmentation de la participation électorale puisque les partis ont intérêt à maximiser le nombre de votes et les électeurs sont davantage incités à voter. Nous examinons cette hypothèse. Nous démontrons que l'influence de l'intensité de la lutte entre les candidates sur la participation électorale n'a pas été différente en 2004 qu'en 2000; que les efforts des candidats n'ont pas été plus intenses en 2004 dans les circonscriptions perdues à l'avance; que la probabilité de s'abstenir ou de renoncer à appuyer un tiers parti n'a pas changé entre 2000 et 2004; et que la décision individuelle de participer à l'élection n'a pas été influencée par des considérations stratégiques allant dans la direction prévue. En conséquence, nous trouvons peu de preuves confirmant l'hypothèse selon laquelle la loi C-24 a favorisé la participation électorale.

scholarly journals Do parental leaves make the motherhood wage penalty worse? Assessing two decades of German reforms

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Mari ◽  
Giorgio Cutuli
Keyword(s):  
Parental Leave ◽  
Substantial Improvement ◽  
Wage Penalty ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Employed Women ◽  
Motherhood Wage Penalty ◽  
Wage Penalties ◽  
Causal Impact ◽  
The Individual

Women-friendly policies may have perverse effects on the wages of employed women and mothers in particular. Yet few have addressed the causal impact of such policies and the mechanisms they might trigger at the individual level to produce such wage responses. We assess if and how two decades of reforms of parental leave schemes in Germany have shaped changes in the motherhood wage penalty over time. We compare two sweeps of reforms inspired by opposite principles, one allowing for longer periods out of paid work, the other prompting quicker re-entry in the labour market. We deploy panel data (G-SOEP 1985-2014) and a within-person difference-in-differences design. Motherhood wage penalties were found to be harsher than previously assessed in the 1990s. As parental leave reform triggered longer time spent on leave coupled with better tenure accumulation, wage losses for mothers remained stable in this first period. Conversely, we can no longer detect motherhood wage penalties for women affected by the later reform. Shorter career breaks and increased work hours may have benefited new mothers in the late 2000s, leading to a substantial improvement in their wage prospects.

scholarly journals Precariousness, youth and political participation: the emergence of a new political cleavage

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Lara Monticelli ◽  
Matteo Bassoli
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Occupational Status ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Consumerism ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe article aims at disentangling the existing relation between job precariousness and political participation at the individual level illustrating that the former can be considered an emerging political cleavage. The authors apply an interpretive framework typical of political participation studies to an original data set composed of two groups of young workers (with precarious and open-ended contracts) in a big Italian post-industrial city, Turin. First, applying a confirmatory factor analysis, a typology of three ‘modes’ of political participation – voting, collective action, and political consumerism – is used to reduce data complexity. Second, logistic regressions are deployed to analyze the role played by occupational status, political positioning, and the interaction between the two, on the different modes of political participation. Precarious youth show a higher level of political participation in representational behaviours (voting). Left-wing youth are generally more active than non-left-wing ones in non-representational behaviours (collective actions and consumerism), the impact is more pronounced for precarious young people. Thus, results demonstrate the relevance of occupational status in explaining patterns of participation and invite scholars to promote a dialogue between industrial relations and political participation studies.

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