What We Know about Voter-ID Laws, Registration, and Turnout

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 87-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Randon Hershey

“Turning out to vote is the most common and important act citizens take in a democracy,” John Aldrich writes (1993, 246), “and, therefore, is one of the most important behaviors for scholars of democratic politics to understand.” Turnout matters at the community as well as the individual level; the larger a county's voter turnout, for instance, the more discretionary federal resources it is likely to receive per capita (Martin 2003). “The blunt truth,” according to V. O. Key (1949, 527), “is that politicians and officials are under no compulsion to pay much heed to classes and groups of citizens that do not vote.”

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (7) ◽  
pp. 1175-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Néstor Castañeda ◽  
David Doyle ◽  
Cassilde Schwartz

We examine the individual-level determinants of tax morale in low-capacity states, specifically Latin American countries, where the social contract is often perceived as fractured. We argue that individuals in such states perceive the social contract as an agreement to which they can opt in or opt out. Those who choose to opt out prefer to substitute state-provided goods for private providers, rather than pay for public goods through taxes or free ride to receive those goods. Through a list experiment conducted in Mexico City, we demonstrate that willingness to evade taxes is highest when individuals have stepped outside of the social contract. More traditional indicators of reciprocity—such as socioeconomic status and perceptions of corruption—are not significant. We bolster our experimental results with observational data from 17 Latin American cities; those with access to employer-sponsored insurance are more willing to evade tax.


Acta Politica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Lengfeld ◽  
Florian K. Kley

Abstract During the European debt crisis, there has been a massive political debate between the EU institutions and the governments of crisis countries on the kind of austerity measures these countries have to accept in order to receive financial assistance from rescue funds established by EU and IMF. Based on a Weberian approach regarding solidarity as an act of mutual help, we interpret austerity measures as particular conditions of solidarity Alter has to agree to in order to receive assistance from Ego. In this paper, we ask to what extent citizens of EU countries agree on the notion of conditioned solidarity, and to which extent they are divided by socio-structural or cultural conflict lines, or by country particularities. Using unique data from the 2016 13 country ‘Transnational European Solidarity Survey’, findings show that the majority of respondents reject the idea of conditionality. Logistic regressions reveal rather weak attitudinal differences between respondents at the individual level, while at the country level respondents from countries with growing unemployment, higher unemployment rates, government debt, and poverty rates are in tendency more likely to reject the measures. We conclude that paying attention to the idea of conditionality is an important aspect of assistance measures in the future, if political actors look to avoid a lack of legitimacy among European citizens.


Author(s):  
Traci R. Burch

This article considers the effect of prison, probation, and parole on neighborhood political participation in North Carolina. I analyze data from state boards of elections, departments of corrections, departments of public health, the Census Bureau, and market research firms for 2000 and 2008. Multivariate regressions reveal a complex relationship between criminal justice supervision and voter turnout. The evidence suggests that at the individual level and in the aggregate, the criminal justice system shapes neighborhood political participation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 935-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter John Loewen ◽  
André Blais

Abstract. By tying subsidies to vote totals, Bill C-24 substantially changed the way Canadian national parties are financed. This raises the possibility of increased voter turnout, as parties face greater incentives to maximize vote totals, and voters face greater incentives to turn out. We consider this possibility. We show that turnout was not differently affected by closeness in 2004 than in 2000; that candidates' efforts were not greater in 2004 in more marginal ridings; that there were no differences in the likelihood of abstaining or deserting a preferred third-place party in 2004 and 2000; and that at the individual level, the decision to turn out was not affected by strategic considerations in the expected direction. Accordingly, we find little support for the possibility that C-24 increased turnout.Résumé. En liant les subventions au total des votes obtenus, la loi C-24 modifie substantiellement le financement des partis politiques nationaux au Canada. Ce changement pourrait induire une augmentation de la participation électorale puisque les partis ont intérêt à maximiser le nombre de votes et les électeurs sont davantage incités à voter. Nous examinons cette hypothèse. Nous démontrons que l'influence de l'intensité de la lutte entre les candidates sur la participation électorale n'a pas été différente en 2004 qu'en 2000; que les efforts des candidats n'ont pas été plus intenses en 2004 dans les circonscriptions perdues à l'avance; que la probabilité de s'abstenir ou de renoncer à appuyer un tiers parti n'a pas changé entre 2000 et 2004; et que la décision individuelle de participer à l'élection n'a pas été influencée par des considérations stratégiques allant dans la direction prévue. En conséquence, nous trouvons peu de preuves confirmant l'hypothèse selon laquelle la loi C-24 a favorisé la participation électorale.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-45
Author(s):  
Bo Bian ◽  
Jingjing Li ◽  
Ting Xu ◽  
Natasha Z. Foutz

Abstract Individualism has long been linked to economic growth. Using the COVID-19 pandemic, we show that such a culture can hamper the economy's response to crises, a period with heightened coordination frictions. Exploiting variation in US counties’ frontier experience, we show that more individualistic counties engage less in social distancing and charitable transfers, and are less willing to receive COVID-19 vaccines. The effect of individualism is stronger where social distancing has higher externality and holds at the individual level when we exploit migrants for identification. Our results suggest that individualism can exacerbate collective action problems during economic downturns.


2019 ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Daron R. Shaw ◽  
John R. Petrocik

This chapter provides a brief history of voter turnout in the U.S. It documents growth from a small electorate to one that mobilized some 80 percent of eligible voters by the middle of the nineteenth century, and a decline to lower turnout through much of the twentieth and into the twenty-first century despite repeated extensions of the franchise and less restrictive registration and voting requirements. Variation in contemporary turnout is examined in some detail in order to clarify the individual-level relationships that lead to the conventional wisdom concerning a partisan bias to turnout. Differences in turnout and party dynamics with otherwise comparable countries are also assessed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106591291985943
Author(s):  
Julianna Pacheco

Although research on the link between health and political behavior at the individual level has flourished, there have been no systematic analyses regarding the policy consequences of health inequalities in political voice. Using a unique dataset that measures the health bias in voter turnout across the fifty states from 1996 to 2012, I find that state electorates that are disproportionately more representative of healthy citizens spend less on health and have less generous Medicaid programs. The negative relationship between the degree of health bias in state electorates and these outcomes remain after controlling for the degree of class bias in voter turnout. These findings have important implications for democratic theory and policy responsiveness, as well as our understanding of variations in population health and health policy across the American states.


The Condor ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 109 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Ryan Norris ◽  
Peter P. Marra

AbstractAbstract. Historically, studies of habitat selection have focused on quantifying how current patterns of habitat occupancy influence condition and survival within a season. This approach, however, is overly simplistic, especially for migratory birds that spend different periods of the year in geographically distinct places. Habitat occupancy and the resulting condition of individual birds is likely to be affected by events in the previous season, and the consequences of habitat occupancy will influence individuals and populations in subsequent seasons. Thus, for migratory birds, variation in habitat quality (and quantity) needs to be understood in the context of how events interact throughout periods of the annual cycle. Seasonal interactions can occur at the individual level or population level. Individual-level interactions occur when events in one season produce nonlethal, residual effects that carry over to influence individuals the following season. Population-level interactions occur when a change in population size in one season influences per capita rates the following season. We review various methods for estimating seasonal interactions and highlight a number of examples in the literature. Using a variety of techniques, including intrinsic and extrinsic markers, the vast majority of studies to date have measured seasonal interactions at the individual level. Obtaining estimates of density and changes in per capita rates across multiple seasons to determine population-level interactions has been more challenging. Both types of seasonal interactions can influence population dynamics, but predicting their effects requires detailed knowledge of how populations are geographically connected (i.e., migratory connectivity). We recommend that researchers studying habitat occupancy and habitat selection consider how events in previous seasons influence events within a season.


Author(s):  
Sian Morrison-Rees ◽  
Sarah Lowe

IntroductionLiving in a cold and/or damp house is known to increase the risk of morbidity, mortality and excess winter deaths. To reduce fuel poverty in Wales, the Welsh Government developed schemes to provide energy efficiency improvements to those most likely affected by fuel poverty. We explored the relative impacts on health of an individual-level scheme, Warm Homes Nest, and an area-based scheme, Arbed. Objectives and ApproachOverall aim: to evaluate the health impacts of Welsh Government funded schemes designed to reduce fuel poverty. Presented objective: to investigate the relative impact of the individual-level and area-based schemes on the health of recipients. A longitudinal dataset was created using the anonymised residence that received improvements linked to residents’ health measures using routine health records held in the SAIL Databank at Swansea University. We used difference-in-difference (DID) estimations to compare any changes in recipient health before and after intervention with any concurrent change in health in those yet to receive the intervention. ResultsAn analysis of the Warm Homes Nest Scheme, published in 2017 and presented at the IPDLN 2018 conference found a positive impact of the scheme on the health of recipients. This presentation will describe the further analysis comparing the area-based Arbed scheme with both the recipients of the individual-level Nest scheme and groups in comparable need that had not yet received the intervention. We will present results focussing on the relative impacts of the two schemes on respiratory health, infection prescribing and mental health. Conclusion / ImplicationsProviding home energy efficiency interventions has the potential to benefit population health, however there is a scarcity of evidence comparing different methods of implementing schemes. Our findings will inform more effectively focussed home energy efficiency schemes and potentially thus improve the health and wellbeing of people living in Wales.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 933-946 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Edelson ◽  
Alexander Alduncin ◽  
Christopher Krewson ◽  
James A. Sieja ◽  
Joseph E. Uscinski

Belief in electoral fraud has received heightened attention due to elite rhetoric and controversial voter identification (ID) laws. Using a two-wave national survey administered before and after the 2012 election, we examine the individual-level correlates of belief in a range of election-related conspiracy theories. Our data show that partisanship affects the timing and content of belief in election-related conspiracy theories, but a general disposition toward conspiratorial thinking strongly influences those beliefs. Support for voter ID laws, in contrast, appears to be driven largely by party identification through elite-mass linkages. Our analysis suggests that belief in election fraud is a common and predictable consequence of both underlying conspiratorial thinking and motivated partisan reasoning.


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