The Anxiety of Political Uncertainty: Insights from the Brexit Vote

Author(s):  
Isabel Ruiz ◽  
Carlos Vargas-Silva

Anxiety is driven by cognitive uncertainty, and large political events can change levels of uncertainty in a nation’s population, including among individuals in migrant groups. This article explores the association between the Brexit vote and the relative anxiety levels of various sectors of the UK population: the UK born, EU migrants, and non-EU migrants. Self-reported high anxiety levels among these population groups six months before and after the referendum suggest differences in social and economic uncertainty. After the Brexit vote, EU migrants reported high levels of anxiety at a rate that was 1.8 percentage points lower than the UK born; this suggests economic rather than social anxiety, given that the UK born were losing access to EU opportunities. The reduction in anxiety for EU migrants was marked in regions with greater support to remain in the EU, suggesting its importance in reducing their social uncertainty and therefore anxiety.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (128) ◽  
pp. 20170030 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander M. Petersen ◽  
Michelangelo Puliga

The extent to which international high-skilled mobility channels are forming is a question of great importance in an increasingly global knowledge-based economy. One factor facilitating the growth of high-skilled labour markets is the standardization of certifiable degrees meriting international recognition. Within this context, we analysed an extensive high-skilled mobility database comprising roughly 382 000 individuals from five broad profession groups (Medical, Education, Technical, Science & Engineering and Business & Legal) over the period 1997–2014, using the 13-country expansion of the European Union (EU) to provide insight into labour market integration. We compare the periods before and after the 2004 enlargement, showing the emergence of a new east–west migration channel between the 13 mostly eastern EU entrants (E) and the rest of the western European countries (W). Indeed, we observe a net directional loss of human capital from E → W, representing 29% of the total mobility after 2004. Nevertheless, the counter-migration from W → E is 7% of the total mobility over the same period, signalling the emergence of brain circulation within the EU. Our analysis of the country–country mobility networks and the country–profession bipartite networks provides timely quantitative evidence for the convergent integration of the EU, and highlights the central role of the UK and Germany as high-skilled labour hubs. We conclude with two data-driven models to explore the structural dynamics of the mobility networks. First, we develop a reconfiguration model to explore the potential ramifications of Brexit and the degree to which redirection of high-skilled labourers away from the UK may impact the integration of the rest of the European mobility network. Second, we use a panel regression model to explain empirical high-skilled mobility rates in terms of various economic ‘push–pull’ factors, the results of which show that government expenditure on education, per capita wealth, geographical proximity and labour force size are significant attractive features of destination countries.


1989 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Rodriguez ◽  
P. Cogorno ◽  
A. Gris ◽  
S. Marenco ◽  
C. Mesiti ◽  
...  

Regional CBF (rCBF) was evaluated by the 133Xe inhalation method in 60 neurologically normal patients (30 men and 30 women) and hemispheric and regional values were correlated with anxiety measurements collected by a self-rating questionnaire before and after the examination. Statistically significant negative correlations between rCBF and anxiety measures were found. rCBF reduction for high anxiety levels is in line with results previously reported by others and could be related to lower performance levels for moderately high anxiety scores as those reported in the present population. This could perhaps be explained by rearrangement of flow from cortical zones to deeper areas of the brain, classically known to be implicated in the control of emotions. However, these results should be interpreted cautiously, since they were obtained in patients and not in normal subjects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Markus Johansson

This article focuses on the impact of the UK’s decision to leave the EU on cooperation within the Council of the EU. It does so by studying how cooperation between member states has changed from the period before the Brexit referendum to the period after. In the emerging literature on Brexit, it has been highlighted that member states that have been close partners to the UK will have to (and have started to) adjust their cooperation behaviour and form new alliances. While the structure of cooperation in the Council is often understood to be stable over time, suggesting that cooperation is mainly driven by structurally determined preferences that don’t easily change, a major event such as Brexit may force remaining member states to restructure their cooperation behaviour. Accordingly, it is expected and tested whether less structurally determined preferences have grown in importance for shaping patterns of cooperation in the immediate period following the Brexit referendum. Using survey data based on interviews with member state negotiators to the Council, asking about their network ties, compiled both in the period before and after Brexit referendum of 2016, it is shown that structurally determined preferences are important in both periods and that more volatile ideologically-based preferences on the EU integration dimension and GAL-TAN dimension have become important following the referendum. The article is informative both for those interested in the effects of Brexit on EU institutions, as well as those more generally interested in causes of cooperation patterns in the Council.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 69-71
Author(s):  
Wim Heijman

What impact has the Brexit on the allocation of money from the structural funds? As the UK is a net contributor to the EU budget, the budget for Structural and Cohesion Policy will shrink. This will have an impact on the allocations of the structural funds to the remaining members of the EU. In order to estimate the allocation of the structural funds to the remaining EU members an allocation model is developed in this article. It appears that the model results do not only show the sharing of the cake, but also the size of it. JEL Code: F00, Q00


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Elena Khakhalkina ◽  

The article explores a new British foreign policy agenda under the catchy slogan of “Global Britain”. Over time, the thesis of Global Britain has been viewed by the British leadership as a matrix for a new foreign policy. This slogan is still being filled with various conceptual elements and real political, trade and economic steps. The concept of Global Britain is analyzed through UK-US relations, the Commonwealth and cooperation with the EU in the period before and after Brexit. It is concluded that ideologically, Global Britain is not a set of fundamentally new ideas; rather, it is a reformatting with different accents of the previous foreign policy provisions (the well-known concept of the “Three Majestic Circles” by W. Churchill) and taking into account reducing its opportunities and leverage in the European Union and the European region as a whole and attempts to reorient the economy, trade and financial relations towards the dynamically developing countries of Asia and other regions. It is highlighted that the difficult and protracted negotiations on Britain‟s withdrawal from the EU and UK snap elections in 2019 slowed down the filling of the concept with real content. At present, the future of the British foreign policy largely depends on the course of the new US President, the UK-EU cooperation, and the impact of pandemic on British economy.


European View ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Glencross

This article explores why there was no domino effect after Brexit and reflects on what this means for the health of European integration. It shows how the UK responded to the uncertainty surrounding the Article 50 talks by testing EU unity, prompting both sides to discuss a no-deal outcome. Evidence from Eurobarometer surveys demonstrates that attachment to the EU strengthened markedly during Brexit talks in the four countries considered most likely to flirt with leaving the EU. Hence Brexit changed the benchmarking process surrounding citizens’ evaluation of the prospects of getting a better deal outside the EU. Risk aversion thus explains the lack of a Brexit domino effect. However, the volatility of public opinion before and after the Article 50 talks, combined with the weaker increase in support over the EU as a whole, means there is no room for complacency over the future prospects of disintegration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Maher ◽  
Eric R. Igou ◽  
Wijnand A. P. van Tilburg

We investigate experiences of disillusionment as a source of political polarization. Disillusioning experiences motivate a search for meaning, and we propose that people respond by seeking reassurance in political ideologies, reflected in political polarization. We first tested this hypothesis in the context of two major political events: the European Union (EU) membership referendum in the United Kingdom and the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In Study 1, disillusionment stemming from the EU referendum outcome led “remain” supporters to express more extreme political views. In Study 2, we measured political stance and disillusionment before and after the U.S. presidential election. Political polarization occurred among Clinton supporters, and this was mediated by increased disillusionment levels. In Study 3, we manipulated disillusionment and found that disillusioned participants expressed stronger support for diverging forms of political activism. Consistent with our approach, this effect was mediated by epistemic motivations. Implications regarding the effect of political polarization in society are discussed.


Subject Russia, the EU and United Kingdom after Brexit. Significance Russian leaders largely refrained from commenting on the UK referendum of June 23, in which voters chose to leave the EU ('Brexit'). Before and after the vote, President Vladimir Putin and other officials voiced anger at UK politicians who cited threats from Russia as reason not to abandon the EU. The outcome is causing market uncertainty, but longer-lasting economic impacts for Russia are not yet apparent. However, a divided and weaker EU fits well with Moscow's foreign policy aims in the region, allowing it to exert bilateral pressure. Impacts EU cohesion on foreign policy is likely to decline, constraining efforts to deal with challenges south and east of the bloc. Many senior Russian officials will watch the United Kingdom closely out of anxiety for their personal assets in the country. As EU members become reluctant to expand the union, Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova will find integration slower than hoped.


Author(s):  
Peter Reading

This chapter explains how the Equality Act 2010 has a direct relationship with the UK’s international human rights obligations at regional and global levels in the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe, and the United Nations (UN). It is thus vital to the understanding, interpretation, and application of the Act to appreciate how it interacts with: EU equality and human rights law, before and after the UK ceasing its membership of the European Union (Brexit); the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) which implements the ECHR; and the key United Nations Conventions which relate to issues of equality of particular groups. The UK’s membership of the EU ended on 31 January 2020. This will have a fundamental effect on the application of EU equality and human rights law to the Act. It should be noted, however, that the UK’s departure from the EU does not in any way affect its membership of the Council of Europe, or being a party to the ECHR. The ECHR has been implemented into the UK’s domestic law by the enactment of the HRA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alita Nandi ◽  
Renee Reichl Luthra

This paper uses nationally representative, longitudinal data to examine experiences and fear of ethnic and racial harassment in public spaces among minorities in the UK, comparing levels of both before and after the 2016 EU Referendum. We do not find an increase in the prevalence of ethnic and racial harassment, but we do find higher levels of fear of ethnic and racial harassment in the period after the Referendum. The increase in fear following the vote was concentrated among more privileged individuals: those with higher levels of education, and those living in less socioeconomically deprived areas with lower levels of previous right-wing party support. We conclude that the Referendum exacerbated already higher levels of perceived discrimination among higher educated minorities while reducing the buffering effect of residence in “safe areas.”


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