Deconstructing Generations: Concluding Remarks

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (11) ◽  
pp. 1578-1596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta

This concluding article of the special issues summarizes the empirical results presented in the previous contributions within a comparative perspective, with particular attention to locate them within previous research on youth mobilizations. From the theoretical point of view, the articles, based on the research conducted in the context of the CRY_OUT project, have tried to bridge some concepts in youth studies and social movement studies. Using the concept of generations in a critical way, we have in fact aimed at deconstructing it by looking at the meaning given to generations by movement activists, to their self-perception in terms of generational identification, as well as their taste in terms of contentious frames and practices. Empirically, we have addressed, in particular, the mobilization of Millennials in anti-austerity protests on issues such as labor and also women’s and gender rights, antiracism, environmental protests, and alternative cultural and/or recreational initiatives. Focusing on Europe, we have chosen some paradigmatic cases of protests in the United Kingdom, Southern European Italy and Spain, and Eastern European Poland. In light of the theoretical questions presented in the introduction, this article addresses, in turn, the conceptions of generations in movements, the self-assessment by Millennials, as well as some characteristics of their mobilizations in terms of organizational structures, repertories of action, and collective framing.

Author(s):  
Wei Yue ◽  
Marc Cowling

It is well documented that the self-employed experience higher levels of happiness than waged employees even when their incomes are lower. Given the UK government’s asymmetric treatment of waged workers and the self-employed, we use a unique Covid-19 period data set which covers the months leading up to the March lockdown and the months just after to assess three aspects of the Covid-19 crisis on the self-employed: hours of work reductions, the associated income reductions and the effects of both on subjective well-being. Our findings show the large and disproportionate reductions in hours and income for the self-employed directly contributed to a deterioration in their levels of subjective well-being compared to waged workers. It appears that their resilience was broken when faced with the reality of dealing with rare events, particularly when the UK welfare support response was asymmetric and favouring waged employees.


Author(s):  
Alan Ryan

This chapter examines some unanswered questions in John Stuart Mill's politics, especially with regards to bureaucracy, democracy, and liberty. These questions relate to what Mill thought about the bearing of the way India was governed on the way the United Kingdom should be governed; about the extent to which he had grown out of the anxiety about moral authority that permeated his essay “The Spirit of the Age”; and about the extent to which he felt that he had achieved a stable balance between a utilitarian concern with benevolent management and an “Athenian” concern with the self-assertive, self-critical, engaged, public-spirited, but independent-minded citizen. The chapter first considers Mill's views on the government of India and their implications for his ideas about empire, progress, and pluralism before discussing the issue of authority, along with his arguments in On Liberty.


Author(s):  
Felia Allum

This chapter discusses the Camorra's presence in the United Kingdom. Mafia and Camorra members and their associates have been present and active in the United Kingdom for some time. However, their specific organizational structures, activities, and accomplices remain unknown. This is often because British police have not investigated mafia members, since they have not officially broken English or Scottish law, and thus the police profile is minimal. Clan members may be involved in illegal activities, but they remain below the radar of local police. For example, in 2013, a local police force identified six criminal groups made up of Italian nationals engaging in money laundering, economic and web-based fraud, violent criminal activity, organized theft, and drug-related activities, but only one was identified as having possible links to an Italian mafia group, whereas the others were not systematically investigated.


Author(s):  
Bob Woods

This chapter documents the developments in Wales relating to a National Dementia Vision and Strategy. A new Strategy is to appear by December 2016. While activity and progress are evident in many areas, much remains to be done. Wales benefits from having an Older People’s Commissioner, a statutory voice for older people, including those living with dementia, and from its rich cultural, linguistic, and artistic heritage, with active third-sector organizations. Like many countries, Wales has had well-publicized scandals in relation to quality of care in hospitals and care homes, which have provided learning and impetus for development. Compared with other parts of the United Kingdom, dementia diagnosis rates in Wales appear low and are now the subject of government targets. The new Strategy will need to fully engage with people living with dementia in order to address these challenges, while building on the growing social movement of dementia-friendly communities.


1984 ◽  
Vol 4 (2_suppl) ◽  
pp. 80-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
AJ Wing ◽  
R Moore ◽  
FP Brunner ◽  
C Jacobs ◽  
P Kramer ◽  
...  

Five per cent of European patients on therapy for end stage renal failure and reported to the EDTA Registry were treated by CAPD on 31st December, 1982. The percentage varied between 12.7% in the United Kingdom to less than 1% in Eastern European countries. In the total area covered by the Registry (population 574 millions) 5.6 patients pmp commenced CAPD during 1982. Commencements reached 18.9 pmp in Switzerland, 17.4 pmp in the United Kingdom and 9.8 pmp in Italy. National programmes of CAPD fulfil different roles in the pattern of RRT and select different populations of patients. Therefore comparisons of the results achieved have not been made.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Kevin Caraher ◽  
Enrico Reuter

Self-employment in the United Kingdom rose steadily until 2017, as part of wider changes in labour markets towards more flexible and potentially more vulnerable forms of employment. At the same time, welfare reform has continued under the current and previous governments, with a further expansion of conditionality with respect to benefit recipients. The incremental introduction of Universal Credit is likely to intensify the subjection of vulnerable categories of the self-employed to welfare conditionalities and to thus accentuate the ambivalent nature of self-employment. This article analyses the impact of Universal Credit on the self-employed by first discussing elements of precarity faced by the self-employed, and, second, by exploring the consequences of the roll-out of Universal Credit for those self-employed people who are reliant on the social protection system.


2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167
Author(s):  
Andrea Boggio

Establishing no-fault compensatory schemes is problematic from both a political and legal point of view. In this essay, I analyse the process that led to the compensation of the victims of Creutzfeldt-Jacob Disease and its variant. The paper shows that, although the diseases present many similarities, the two processes took very different paths because of the different, political environments in which they took place. Moreover, several possible lessons can be drawn from the compensation of CJD victims, which can potentially affect the establishment of future no-fault schemes in the United Kingdom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke March

This article represents one of the few systematic comparisons of left-wing populism with other populisms. Focussing on the manifestos of six British parties in 1999–2015, the findings confirm that left-wing populists are more socio-economically focussed, more inclusionary but less populist than right-wing populists. The article makes four main substantive contributions. First, empirically, it shows that the much-touted populist Zeitgeist in the United Kingdom barely exists. Second, methodologically, it provides a nuanced disaggregated populism scale that has advantages over existing methods because it can effectively distinguish populist from non-populist parties and analyse degrees of populism. Third, theoretically, it shows that host ideology is more important than populism per se in explaining differences between left and right populisms. Fourth is a broader theoretical point: what is often called ‘thin’ or ‘mainstream’ populism’ is not populism but demoticism (closeness to ordinary people). Therefore, analysts should not label parties ‘populist’ just because their rhetoric is demotic.


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