scholarly journals Corrigendum

China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-427

Article: Beyond Soft Power: Cultural Power from India and China Today through Film China Report, May 2017, 53: 2, 172–187, DOI: 10.1177/0009445517696632 By L.H.M. Ling The aforementioned article got published with the following errors. The errors are deeply regretted. 1. On page 173, 1st paragraph, the correct sentence is as follows:  Third, in making this assumption, Nye denies culture of any inherentpower to re-shape or co-create the state in ways previously not anticipated. 2. On page 176, 1st paragraph, the correct sentence is as follows:  When the baby turns out to be a girl, the king is so disappointed he allows his queen (who’s jealous of the concubine anyway) to drown the child. 3. On page 179, paragraph 1, line 4, the word ‘Sanguo Yanyi’ is to be in italics as follows:  A 1994 TV drama, ‘ Sanguo Yanyi’, predates… 4. On page 184, 2nd paragraph, the correct sentence is as follows:  But states also risk a lethal backlash when ignoring or denying the power of culture. 5. On page 185, 2nd paragraph, the correct sentence is as follows:  It could sweep an African-American junior senator like Barack Obama into office as much as someone exhibiting outright racist-misogynistic-xenophobic tendencies like Trump.

China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.H.M. Ling

The concept of ‘soft power’ impoverishes our understanding of politics. It assumes (i) the world has never encountered instances of ‘soft power’ before or knows no better when encountering it; (ii) culture cannot have any interests, agency or impact of its own; and (iii) it cannot capture the state. History—especially from India and China—debunks these assumptions. I propose a contrasting concept, cultural power. It turns ‘soft power’ on its head by (i) articulating the state as ontology, not instrument; accordingly, (ii) culture can generate its own centre (or centres) of gravitas that (iii) invariably outstrips the state in purpose and identity. To demonstrate, I draw on recent filmic representations from India and China. These replay the power of historical culture, like Hindu reincarnation and/or Confucian love, through a contemporary venue. I conclude with some implications of cultural power for politics, in general, and world politics, in particular.


Hypatia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Lindsey Stewart

Abstract “Granny midwives” often based their authority to practice midwifery on the spiritual traditions of rootwork or conjure passed down by the foremothers who trained them. However, granny midwives were compelled to give up their conjure-infused methods of birthing if they wanted to become licensed (that is, to get a “permit”) or be authorized by the state to continue their practice of midwifery. In response, some granny midwives refused to recognize the authority of the state in the birthing realm, willfully retaining rootwork in their birthing practices. In this article, I contrast the response of granny midwives, a politics of refusal, with another major tradition in African American thought, a politics of recognition, such as gaining citizenship and rights, permits, and licenses from the state. Due to the political stakes of the granny midwife's conflict with the state, I argue that black feminists often endow the figure of the granny midwife (or more broadly, the conjure woman) with the political significance of refusal in our emancipatory imaginaries. To demonstrate this, I will analyze the interventions in black liberation politics that two black feminist writers make through their invocation of granny midwives: Zora Neale Hurston's essay, “High John de Conquer,” and Toni Morrison's novel, Paradise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abul Azad

<p><i>This paper introduces a measure of citizen ownership of the state, which works with empirical data. The paper defines citizen ownership of the state as a condition where whatever the majority of citizens want is implemented. In the present-day large scale state, whatever the majority of citizens want is expressed in the election promises of the winning party, alliance or individuals. The paper argues that the level of implementation of election promises is a measurement of citizen ownership of the state. It models the authority of a representative government to a power of attorney. The citizen as principal awards a power of attorney to the winning party, alliance or individuals as an agent in their election. In the election, the set of election promises of the agent becomes the only written part of the power of attorney. The 2008-2012 tenure of US President Barack Obama is used to test how the methodological approach works with empirical data. The test finds the citizen ownership of the state in the USA at 70.7 percent and the party intrusion into the ownership at 29.3 percent during the tenure.</i>.</p>


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abul Azad

<p>This paper defines citizen ownership of the state as the implementation of election promises. It argues that the level of implementation of election promises is a measurement of citizen ownership of the state. To explain the definition, the paper models the authority of a representative government to a power of attorney. The citizen as principal awards a power of attorney to the winning party, alliance or individuals as an agent in their election. In the election, the set of election promises of the agent becomes the only written part of the power of attorney. The 2008-2012 tenure of US President Barack Obama is used to test how the methodological approach to the measurement of promise-keeping works with empirical data. The test proves the new approach crucially improved compared to existing approaches and the findings are found interesting.</p>


Author(s):  
Osayimwense Osa ◽  
Kausar Saida

Objective This article probes the state of Africa's palm oil industry and economy today. Methodology/Technique Today, Malaysia, Indonesia, and West Africa are the world's major producers of palm oil; and India and China, the world's most densely populated countries, are the major consumers. However, why is it that West Africa that is naturally endowed with palm oil is the one that lags behind others in the global production of palm oil? Should this kind of natural endowment and the presence of the major world producers and the biggest consumers of palm oil not spell colossal success for global palm oil industry and economy? Findings Without an adequate demand for a commodity, supply will be limited, thus resulting in a downward supply curve. On the other hand, if there is a high demand for a commodity like palm oil, then it will be produced in abundance. Novelty Where and why it has fallen short, and what does need to be done via-a-vis the state of Malaysia's and Indonesia's palm oil sector and the presence of emerging economies like China and India against the backdrop of globalization. Type of Paper: Review Keywords: Palm oil; economy; consumption, globalization


2018 ◽  
pp. 171-200
Author(s):  
Patricia de Santana Pinho

The role of local governments in attracting roots tourists is one of most important factors analyzed in the studies of diaspora tourism. Governments of several countries have actively sought to promote varied forms of roots tourism in order to attract members of their respective diasporas. In contrast, African American roots tourism in Brazil is marked by the almost complete inaction of the government, at both the state and federal levels. This type of tourism was initiated and continues to develop largely as the result of tourist demand, and with very little participation on the part of the state. This chapter analyzes the belated response of the state government of Bahia to African American tourism, examining how the inertia that dominated since the late 1970s was later replaced by a more proactive, although still inadequate, position, when the state tourism board, Bahiatursa, founded the Coordination of African Heritage Tourism to cater specifically to the African American roots tourism niche. The chapter also analyzes whether the left-leaning Workers’ Party, then in charge of the state government, challenged the longstanding discourse of baianidade (Bahianness) that has predominantly represented blackness (in tourism and other realms) through domesticated and stereotypical images.


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.


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