Neutrality and the Common Market: The Soviet View

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Tarschys

The Soviet doctrine on the legal implications of neutrality is liberal with regard to the non-aligned nations in the third world but rigid with regard to the neutral states in Western Europe. On the one hand, Soviet jurists defend the right of neutral countries to pursue a highly active foreign policy. On the other, they contend that neither membership nor association with the Common Market is compatible with Swedish, Austrian, or Swiss neutrality. This inherent tension in the Soviet theory of neutrality is not resolved at the level of abstract definitions of neutrality and neutralism where the liberal interpretation tends to prevail.

1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gil Loescher

In recent years, political asylum and refugees have become acute issues in public debate in Western Europe and North America. The debate has become especially heated since 1989 and the breaching of barriers between Eastern and Western Europe, with East Germans, Albanians, Romanians, and Yugoslavs all trying to move west. Most asylum-seekers continue to come from the Third World. Those who manage to enter the West face growing hostility, poverty, and even violent attacks. In France immigration has already shifted political discourse sharply to the right, testing the nation's tolerance toward foreigners and shaking its liberal foundations. Xenophobia and brutal physical attacks on foreigners by skinheads and extreme right-wingers throughout Germany have caused politicians in Bonn to reconsider their country's asylum provisions. Governments everywhere appear reluctant to open their doors when they are not sure how many will benefit from their hospitality and for how long. To many industrialized countries, asylum-seekers are perceived mostly as economic migrants in search of a better life. Actual migratory pressures from the South and perceived threats of exodus from the East have only served to reinforce this restrictive attitude to asylum. The refugee problem has reached such a critical point that the very institution of asylum is being threatened.


1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Henk Hartog

The international flow of information produced by international press agencies is discussed in this article. The author shows how the position of the Third World with respect to the alleged imbalances in the international communication infrastructure, both quantitative and qualitative, has led to two legal developments. On the one hand, the ‘right to communicate’ was formulated in addition to the traditionally recognized freedom of information. On the other hand, the concept of a New World Information Order has been developed. The ideological battle between the West and the Third World, which has dominated the discussion on these concepts since the early 1970s, should, according to the author, not impair the development of a viable technological infrastucture in the Third World. Development assistance could be used to give new and independent news agencies access to the international flow of information.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 455-468
Author(s):  
Hartwig Berger

The article discusses the future of mobility in the light of energy resources. Fossil fuel will not be available for a long time - not to mention its growing environmental and political conflicts. In analysing the potential of biofuel it is argued that the high demands of modern mobility can hardly be fulfilled in the future. Furthermore, the change into using biofuel will probably lead to increasing conflicts between the fuel market and the food market, as well as to conflicts with regional agricultural networks in the third world. Petrol imperialism might be replaced by bio imperialism. Therefore, mobility on a solar base pursues a double strategy of raising efficiency on the one hand and strongly reducing mobility itself on the other.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bahlbi Y. Malk

Famine remains one of the major causes of deaths and displacements in the Sub-Saharan African countries where people have continuously been compelled to cross international borders in search of livelihood securities. There is no question that the continent has been exposed to erratic rainfalls, crop failures and droughts, but contemporary famine has less to do with natural-related crop failures and much to do with poor governance. The author argues that state’s premeditated action, inaction and incompetency to respond to insecurity and threats are largely responsible for African famines. Due to historical misperception of African famine and oversimplification of refugees’ motives from Africa, however, food-based persecution has not been a common subject of research. Besides, the absence of drought does not necessary mean the absence of famine either, because the aforementioned factors frequently cause it to happen even in the middle of plenty. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore how government’s action or inaction can lead to famine in the absence or presence of drought which in return forces people to escape from drastically deteriorating conditions of existence by flight. The goal of this paper is mainly to challenge the common perception that famine as being the drought-induced outcome of humanitarian crisis in Africa and refugees as being victims of the natural circumstance. Thus, this paper argues that a government that deprives its citizens of the basic necessity such as the right to food is as dangerous as the one that persecutes its citizens on the five Convention grounds. Hence, taking Eritrea as a case example, this article discusses chronic food insecurity and mass starvation as a state-induced disaster, which I believe should be considered a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.


Author(s):  
Nikhil Govind

Nirmal Verma was among the most prominent and distinguished Hindi novelists, essayists, and short story writers of the second half of the 20th century. Though he was briefly enamored of the ideals of communism, he lost his faith in the mid-1950s, especially after the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. He lived in Prague from 1959 to 1968, where his work at the Oriental Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences included translating prominent Czech writers into Hindi. As a result of his work, certain Czech writers—most famously Milan Kundera (1929--)—became known to Hindi readers before achieving fame in Western Europe and the United States. Many of his later works directly thematized Indian traditions and modernism. His later sympathetic treatment of tradition, when his critics began to accuse him of leaning to the right, revealed a controversial evolution of political and literary thought. At his best, Verma was able to write so that there was only a transparent line between on the one hand the mundane and on the other hand an elusive but palpable accumulation of mood.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joyce Leeson

In spite of unfortunate legacies from colonial days, social scientists in the health field in the Third World could make an important contribution by examining why “rational solutions” are not applied to the multitude of problems that exist. This would require an historical analysis of the status and roles of health personnel, and a recognition of the contradictions between the interests of the metropolitan countries and the urban elites of the Third World, on the one hand, and the rural masses on the other. The principles guiding the health services of the People's Republic of China have led to very different and apparently more appropriate services, but it seems unlikely that these will be applied elsewhere under present circumstances.


Author(s):  
Fernando Guirao

Chapter 5 deals with the negotiations between the EEC and Spain from September 1967 to June 1970. Madrid, the weaker party, achieved its requests: first, that Spain’s main export commodities were not discriminated, particularly due to the Common Agricultural Policy; second, that once Spanish industry could export, Spain would have generous access to the Common Market; third, that there should be no reciprocal requirement that Spain open its domestic market to the Six; and finally, that there would be no political conditionality attached. The 1970 Agreement guaranteed lucrative trade preferences for the Spanish economy on the Common Market and also implicitly committed the Six to maintain political stability in Spain. Spaniards persuaded the Six that economic development would make the Spanish political regime evolve towards governance comparable to the rest of Western Europe.


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