Negotiating the Preference (1967–1970)

Author(s):  
Fernando Guirao

Chapter 5 deals with the negotiations between the EEC and Spain from September 1967 to June 1970. Madrid, the weaker party, achieved its requests: first, that Spain’s main export commodities were not discriminated, particularly due to the Common Agricultural Policy; second, that once Spanish industry could export, Spain would have generous access to the Common Market; third, that there should be no reciprocal requirement that Spain open its domestic market to the Six; and finally, that there would be no political conditionality attached. The 1970 Agreement guaranteed lucrative trade preferences for the Spanish economy on the Common Market and also implicitly committed the Six to maintain political stability in Spain. Spaniards persuaded the Six that economic development would make the Spanish political regime evolve towards governance comparable to the rest of Western Europe.

Author(s):  
Fernando Guirao

This book explores how the governments of the founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community, acting collectively via the European Communities, assisted in the consolidation of the Franco regime. The Six (the Nine after 1973) provided the Spanish economy with a stable supply of raw materials and capital goods and with outlet markets for Spain’s main export commodities. Through both mechanisms, the European Communities assisted Spain’s development and supported the stabilization of its non-democratic régime. From 1950 to the mid-1960s, the Six avoided every sign of discrimination against Spain. By the mid-1960s, they became conscious of the need to promote Spanish exports in order to expand their own exports on the Spanish market. By 1970, Madrid obtained an arrangement with the EEC that, free of any political conditionality, provided ample access to the Common Market while keeping the Spanish market essentially closed. After 1972, the Nine negotiated Franco Spain’s integration into a pan-European industrial free-trade area, in exchange for access to the Spanish market. It was the Spanish cabinet, at the last minute, for protection reasons, who decided to derail the offer. The Franco regime was never threatened by European integration and the Six/Nine managed to isolate negotiations with Spain from mounting political disturbance. In sum, without unremitting material assistance from Western Europe, it would have been considerably more challenging for the Franco regime to attain the stability that enabled the dictator to maintain his rule until dying peacefully at 82 years old.


Worldview ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 14-16
Author(s):  
Lionel Gelber

When the United States fostered the recovery and underwrote the security of Western Europe she had more than sentiment to impel her. That salient zone is a pivotal sector of the world balance, and while she may station fewer of her own troops upon its soil, she can entertain no total disengagement from it. But there is another West European item, the future of the Common Market, which calls for a fresh American scrutiny. The West will be better off if Western Europe acquires more of an ability to stand on its own feet. Gaullism, however, revealed a less modest goal, one that was not confined to France and did not vanish with the departure of General de Gaulle. On the contrary, it may have gained new leverage from his downfall.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Tarschys

The Soviet doctrine on the legal implications of neutrality is liberal with regard to the non-aligned nations in the third world but rigid with regard to the neutral states in Western Europe. On the one hand, Soviet jurists defend the right of neutral countries to pursue a highly active foreign policy. On the other, they contend that neither membership nor association with the Common Market is compatible with Swedish, Austrian, or Swiss neutrality. This inherent tension in the Soviet theory of neutrality is not resolved at the level of abstract definitions of neutrality and neutralism where the liberal interpretation tends to prevail.


2009 ◽  
Vol 55 (No. 9) ◽  
pp. 415-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Střeleček ◽  
J. Lososová ◽  
R. Zdeněk

States of the Visegrad Four have always been the area historically connected together by common roots, tradition, culture relations and similar economic development. Economies of the Visegrad Group have reached a comparable level of development. The aim of the paper is to compare the V4 states with regard to the conditions for agricultural production and to assess the impact of the Common Agricultural Policy to the economy of agricultural holdings in the V4 states according to the FADN results.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Domingo Sánchez Martínez ◽  
Antonio Garrido Almonacid

Abstract This work examines changes in the cultivation of olive groves in the region of Andalusia since the accession of Spain to the European Common Market (1986). The first phase is marked by the triumph of productivism in which some of the basic elements of this model (specialisation and intensification) are overwhelming, according to the statistical sources used for this research, although the behaviour in terms of corporate concentration can be considered unique. Also notable, as we will explain later, are other less desirable effects of the process, which can currently be considered environmentally unsustainable. As the weaknesses and contradictions of the model have become evident, in the recent years - as a result of the new stimuli provided by the Common Agricultural Policy - more attention is paid to the opportunities offered by rural development. For the moment, the results of this approach have been limited, although the 2015-2020 planning period could be decisive for its reorientation.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 649-662
Author(s):  
Marshall D. Shulman

In discussing the process of integration in western Europe, communist writings invariably put the word in quotation marks, and often preface it with “so-called,” to drive home the central point that, while technological progress does create a tendency toward international economic activity, the capitalist system is inherently incapable of an effective response to this necessity. What is involved is not so much the broad, undefined movement toward an Atlantic Community, which Soviet strategists tend to discount, as the specific and practical development of the European Common Market. With or without quotation marks, the movement toward European integration has become a major factor in the evolution of Soviet ideology and policy. Despite its ups and downs, the Common Market has resulted in profound modifications in Soviet ideas concerning contemporary capitalism and the present configuration of power; it has led to a radical revision of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistant (COMECON)—the Soviet counterpart organization for eastern Europe; and it has greatly complicated Moscow's leadership of the world communist movement. Over the long run, if the non-communist nations are able to sustain a movement toward growth and integration, this development gives promise of leading to fundamental transformations in Soviet policies and in the Soviet system itself.


1960 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leopold Kohr

The successful establishment of the European Common Market on January 1, 1959, has renewed interest in the tool by which this most ambitious of all economic integration projects has been accomplished. The interest is the greater as this is only the first of three attempts to integrate economic development on a continental scale. The others are the common markets envisioned for Africa and Latin America. This article is an attempt to convey in the briefest possible space the history of economic integration that preceded the current drive toward common markets.


Author(s):  
Nadiia Kryvenko

Introduction. Integration has reached its highest level of development in the EU, and particular attention is drawn to the agrarian integration and resolution of these problems at the beginning of the integration process. This in its turn confirms the significant importance of the agrarian sector for the member-states. Although, the majority of this market participant does not trade agricultural products. The growing global food problem, the positive consequences of the CAP for EU integration, the significant importance of the agricultural sector for Ukraine, which is one of the major exporters of some agri-food products, and the existence of a number of regional trade agreements confirm the importance of research of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Purpose. It is pivotal to explore the importance of the EU CAP for the development of EU integration, its goals and changes, the mechanism, the formation of a common market. In addition, it is a positive experience of the integration group and Ukraine can learn a lesson if manages to analyze the EU’s place in the world market of agricultural products. Methods. The methods of theoretical generalization, historical method, method of analysis, comparison, and graphical method were used in the article for revealing the features of the CAP and the EU as an exporter of agricultural products. Results. The research shows the importance of the agrarian integration of the EU (it is confirmed by the CAP) and the impact of the CAP on the development of integration. In the case of enlargement of the EU, difficulties are often caused by agrarian policy. The article analyzes the aims of the CAP, which varied during the group history depending on a number of factors, and it shows its flexibility and compliance with urgent problems. The creation of a common market and the use of appropriate regulatory measures (which can also be used by Ukraine) are analyzed. It is determined that the EU is one of the world’s major producers and exporters of agri-food products, and its export share of many product is more than 30% or even 50%. Discussion. In further research it is advisable to focus on the stages and reforms of the CAP and to take into account some new aims CAP for the agricultural policy of Ukraine.


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