scholarly journals What Forms of Representation Do American Workers Want? Implications for Theory, Policy, and Practice

ILR Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 001979392095904
Author(s):  
Alexander Hertel-Fernandez ◽  
William Kimball ◽  
Thomas Kochan
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Labor Law ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Advocacy Groups ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Support Organizations ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
Nationally Representative

Recent evidence documents an increased interest among American workers in joining a union. At the same time, there is revived debate among labor scholars, union leaders, politicians, and activists over what forms of labor representation are best suited to meet the needs of the contemporary workforce. Yet little is known about what contemporary workers have to say about these debates. This article draws on a conjoint survey experiment fielded on a nationally representative sample of more than 4,000 employees to explore the forms of representation workers want and are willing to support by paying dues. The authors compare interest in the forms of labor representation that are currently being debated. Results show that while workers value traditional collective bargaining, they would be even more willing to join and financially support organizations currently unavailable under US law and practice. The authors use these results to draw implications for the labor movement, worker advocacy groups, and the future of labor law.

Citizen Approval of Monetary- vs Goods-For-Votes Exchanges

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Mollie J. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Need For Care ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Question Wording ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Using Data

Abstract Does citizen approval of vote buying depend on the type of benefit being offered? I answer this question using data from a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Nicaraguans in 2017. Nicaraguans report significantly lower approval of money-for votes exchanges compared to goods-for-votes exchanges. Furthermore, reported rates of vote buying are lower in the money condition (4.8%) than in the goods-for-votes condition (7.8%), even though the posttreatment question assessing vote buying experience was identical across conditions. This study echoes other work suggesting the need for care in designing questions about vote buying, as slight changes in question wording that prime participants to think about goods versus monetary exchanges can affect both citizen approval of the behavior and the reported prevalence of vote buying.

Priming Legality: Perceptions of Latino and Undocumented Latino Immigrants

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-113
Author(s):  
Katherine T. McCabe ◽  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Hannah Walker
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Latino Immigrants ◽  
Undocumented Immigration ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Priming Effects ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Documentation Status ◽  
Nationally Representative

Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about “undocumented Latino immigrants,” their attitudes toward “Latino immigrants,” appear more negative, relative to when they are first asked about “Latino immigrants” without invoking the legal modifier. Respondents channel their negative associations with “illegal” or “undocumented” immigration into their opinions of Latino immigrants writ large. The results have implications for political communication, media reporting on immigration, and policy debates, which frequently discuss both “legal” and “undocumented” immigration in the same context.

Economic Inequality, Immigrants and Selective Solidarity: From Perceived Lack of Opportunity to In-group Favoritism

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Gabriele Magni
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Communal Identity ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Cross National

Abstract How does economic inequality affect support for redistribution to native citizens and immigrants? While prior studies have examined the separate effects of inequality and immigration on redistribution preferences, the interaction between inequality and communal identity has been largely overlooked. This article explains that inequality triggers selective solidarity. Individuals exposed to inequality become more supportive of redistribution – but only if the redistribution benefits native-born citizens. Inequality therefore reinforces the already popular opinion that native citizens deserve welfare priority and widens the gap between support for natives and support for immigrants. This study first provides cross-national evidence with survey data linked to contextual socio-economic indicators from advanced industrialized countries. To evaluate causally identified effects, it then presents the results of a survey experiment administered to a nationally representative sample of Italian citizens. The findings imply that economic inequality can increase support for populist radical right parties that advocate discrimination in access to welfare services based on native citizenship.

Double-Bind on the Bench: Citizen Perceptions of Judge Gender and the Court

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 235-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersten Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Gender Stereotypes ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Double Bind ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Gender And Politics ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Citizen Perceptions

Scholars of gender and politics have long discussed the various manifestations of the “double-bind” for women who seek political leadership. Using a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample, this article examines whether this double-bind exists for female judges. The study reveals that while gender stereotypes are not uniformly applied to female judges, women on the bench are assessed differently in terms of their empathy and knowledge under certain circumstances. The article then discusses the potential implications of these gendered assessments for perceptions of the court, its actions, and women who aspire to judicial roles.

#No2Sectarianism: Experimental Approaches to Reducing Sectarian Hate Speech Online

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 837-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEXANDRA A. SIEGEL ◽  
VIVIENNE BADAAN
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Suggestive Evidence ◽  
Experimental Approaches ◽  
Nationally Representative

We use an experiment across the Arab Twittersphere and a nationally representative survey experiment in Lebanon to evaluate what types of counter-speech interventions are most effective in reducing sectarian hate speech online. We explore whether and to what extent messages priming common national identity or common religious identity, with and without elite endorsements, decrease the use of hostile anti-outgroup language. We find that elite-endorsed messages that prime common religious identity are the most consistently effective in reducing the spread of sectarian hate speech. Our results provide suggestive evidence that religious elites may play an important role as social referents—alerting individuals to social norms of acceptable behavior. By randomly assigning counter-speech treatments to actual producers of online hate speech and experimentally evaluating the effectiveness of these messages on a representative sample of citizens that might be incidentally exposed to such language, this work offers insights for researchers and policymakers on avenues for combating harmful rhetoric on and offline.

Restitution without Restoration? Exploring the Gap between the Perception and Implementation of Restitution

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 1015-1037
Author(s):  
Karin D. Martin ◽  
Matthew Z. Fowle
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Restorative Justice ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Victim Compensation ◽  
The Common ◽  
Nationally Representative

Restitution as a social practice can simultaneously have a punitive effect and add to a person’s criminal justice debt load, while maintaining a reparative and therefore restorative component. We use principles of restorative justice to assess restitution as a concept and a practice, drawing on data from a survey experiment administered to a nationally representative sample ( n = 433). We find that the common and strongly preferred conception of restitution is “direct,” entailing a convicted person compensating a victim for quantifiable loss. Evidence from Victim Compensation Funds (VCFs) in all 50 states demonstrate the widespread use of “indirect” restitution, through which funds from various sources are distributed to qualifying victims. Broader trends in criminal justice policy related to the centering of the victim and a managerial approach to punishment help explain our findings. We conclude that the divergence between common conception and widespread practice indicates a need for a revised notion of restitution.

When Polls Disagree: How Competitive Results and Methodological Quality Shape Partisan Perceptions of Polls and Electoral Predictions

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 586-603
Author(s):  
Ozan Kuru ◽  
Josh Pasek ◽  
Michael W Traugott
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Methodological Quality ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Low Education ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Electoral Expectations ◽  
Objective Indicators

Abstract This study leverages a survey experiment in the lead up to the 2016 U.S. presidential election to evaluate how partisan biases, poll results, and their methodological quality interact to shape people’s assessments of polling accuracy and electoral expectations. In a nationally representative sample, we find that individuals disproportionately find polls more credible when their preferred candidate is leading. Partisan biases are mitigated when the polls themselves vary in objective indicators of quality: while more educated respondents are more likely to identify high-quality polls accurately, low education respondents’ bias was reduced when they encountered polls with varying methodological quality. Finally, these moderators influence respondents’ electoral expectations as well. We discuss the implications for journalistic coverage of polls, public opinion, and political polarization.

Intergenerational Transmission of Marital Violence: Results From a Nationally Representative Sample of Men

2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadine Shaanta Murshid ◽  
Navine Murshid
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
Demographic Variables ◽  
Marital Violence ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Parental Violence ◽  
Childhood Exposure ◽  
Violence Perpetration ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Conflict Tactics

The present study assesses the association between childhood exposure to parental violence and perpetration of marital violence as adults among a representative sample of 3,396 men in Bangladesh. We used secondary analysis of survey data from the nationally representative Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2007 to examine factors associated with perpetration of martial violence among 3,396 ever-married men between the ages of 16 and 50 years. Outcome measure, marital violence perpetration, was measured using a modified Conflict Tactics Scale, and predictor variables included childhood exposure to parental violence, justification of marital violence, marital duration, religion, and demographic variables. Results indicate that marital violence perpetration is significantly associated with childhood exposure to marital violence, suggesting a cycle of violence that is maintained across generations. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

The Super-Predator Effect: How Negative Targeted Messages Demobilize Black Voters

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Christopher Stout ◽  
Keith Baker
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Negative Messages ◽  
Targeted Messages ◽  
Black Voters

Abstract This article assesses whether messages that are framed to denigrate a politician or political entity in the eyes of a particular group – defined here as negative targeted messages – decreases Blacks' enthusiasm to vote. It also explores why such messages are effective at demobilizing Black voters. Using a survey experiment implemented on a nationally representative sample, the authors find that Blacks are less enthusiastic about voting when presented with evidence of racism within their preferred political party. Whites and Latinxs do not respond similarly to the same stimulus. The findings also demonstrate evidence that the effectiveness of negative targeted messages towards Blacks is driven by the treatment's ability to alter perceptions of party empathy. Overall, the results suggest that targeted negative messages can be effective at depressing Black turnout. However, parties may be able to counter this negative messaging with evidence of outreach to minority communities to demonstrate a greater sense of empathy.

scholarly journals Heard immunity: effective persuasion for a future COVID-19 vaccine

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Duquette
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Treatment Groups ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Intent To Vaccinate

A survey experiment exposes treatment groups to four messages supporting future vaccination against COVID-19. These treatments emphasize either the risks of the virus or the safety of vaccination, to the respondent personally or to others. For a nationally representative sample, self-reported intent to vaccinate is not significantly different from the control for any message. However, there is a substantial divergence between white non-Hispanic respondents, whose response to all four treatments is close to zero, and non-white or His- panic respondents, whose intention to vaccinate is over 50% higher in response to a message emphasizing prosociality and the safety of others.

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