What’s Fair in International Politics? Equity, Equality, and Foreign Policy Attitudes

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272110413
Author(s):  
Kathleen E. Powers ◽  
Joshua D. Kertzer ◽  
Deborah J. Brooks ◽  
Stephen G. Brooks
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Sample ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Fairness Concerns ◽  
Original Survey

How do concerns about fairness shape foreign policy preferences? In this article, we show that fairness has two faces—one concerning equity, the other concerning equality—and that taking both into account can shed light on the structure of important foreign policy debates. Fielding an original survey on a national sample of Americans, we show that different types of Americans think about fairness in different ways, and that these fairness concerns shape foreign policy preferences: individuals who emphasize equity are far more sensitive to concerns about burden sharing, are far less likely to support US involvement abroad when other countries aren’t paying their fair share, and often support systematically different foreign policies than individuals who emphasize equality. As long as IR scholars focus only on the equality dimension of fairness, we miss much about how fairness concerns matter in world politics.

Foreign Policy Attitudes of the Black Talented Tenth

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-290
Author(s):  
Antwain Leach ◽  
Sajid Hussain
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
African Americans ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Next Generation ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Present Generation ◽  
Talented Tenth ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Global Affairs ◽  
Foreign Policy Attitudes

Do Talented Tenth and non–Talented Tenth Blacks support moral and socially conscious US foreign policies to the same degree? Utilizing a 2010 national sample from the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, we find statistical evidence that members of the Talented Tenth are more likely than other Blacks to support America’s role to combat global hunger and to provide economic aid to assist needy countries in developing their economies. An examination of the foreign policy attitudes of the Black Talented Tenth is an important undertaking because it provides insight into what our expectations should be for rising African Americans as more of them enter into its ranks. Should we expect the next generation of African Americans to be more conscientious as they increasingly assume the mantles of leadership and responsibility? The results in this article lay bare the enormous work the present generation of Black educators must undertake to ensure the next generation are ready to do so. By observing the internationalist attitudes of the present Talented Tenth, especially as those attitudes relate to creating a more just, equitable, and harmonious world, it is possible to find ways to critically engage and help the next generation to provide the type of leadership necessary to make a positive difference.

Theorizing US Foreign Policy in a Postsecular World Society

2019 ◽  
pp. 21-54
Author(s):  
Gregorio Bettiza
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
World Society ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
American Values ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Micro Level

The chapter presents the book’s theoretical framework, which is grounded in a sociological approach to international relations (IR) theory. It suggests that to explain the causes and shape of the operationalization of religion in US foreign policy attention needs to be paid to the combined effects of macro-level forces represented by the emergence of a postsecular world society, and the mobilization at the micro-level of a diverse range of desecularizing actors who seek to contest the secularity of American foreign policy through the deployment of multiple desecularizing discourses. The chapter then conceptualizes four different processes of foreign policy desecularization—institutional, epistemic, ideological, and state-normative—which take place as religion increasingly becomes an organized subject and object of US foreign policy. Finally, it advances three hypotheses about the global effects of America’s religious foreign policies: they shape religious landscapes around the world in ways that reflect American values and interests; they contribute to religionizing world politics; and they promote similar policies internationally.

Domestic contestation over foreign policy, role-based and otherwise: Three cautionary cases

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572094522
Author(s):  
David M McCourt
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Role Theory ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Role Performance ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Role Conceptions ◽  
Role Based ◽  
International Role

Foreign policy role theorists have recently placed domestic role contestation central to their accounts of foreign policy continuity and change. Yet, contestation over national role conceptions is only one aspect of domestic competition over political power that can impact the roles states play in world politics. Frequently, foreign policies are an outgrowth of political struggle over matters only indirectly related to a state’s international role. In this article, I draw role theorists’ attention to cases where non-role-based political competition affects role performance, urging them to trace empirically the connections between role contestation, non-role-based political competition with role implications, and role performance. To make this case, I develop three plausibility probes: America’s embrace of the hegemon role after 1945, Britain’s 2016 Brexit vote, and the United States’ recent turn towards a more transactional foreign policy. Highlighting non-role political competition with role implications offers a productive challenge that promises to enrich role theory in foreign policy analysis (FPA) by bringing it a step closer to domestic political competition.

scholarly journals MILITANT AND COOPERATIVE INTERNATIONALISM AMONG AMERICAN RELIGIOUS PUBLICS

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-344
Author(s):  
James L. Guth
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
The Way ◽  
Foreign Policy Attitudes ◽  
Empirical Analyses

Although there has been much speculation about the way that religion shapes American attitudes on foreign policy, there are few empirical analyses of that influence. This paper draws on a large national sample of the public in 2008 to classify religious groups on Eugene Wittkopf’s (1990) classic dimensions of foreign policy attitudes, militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism. We find rather different religious constituencies for each dimension and demonstrate the influence of ethnoreligious and theological factors on both. Combining the two dimensions, we show that American religious groups occupy different locations in Wittkopf’s hardliner, internationalist, accommodationist, and isolationist camps.

Patriotism, Nationalism and China's US Policy: Structures and Consequences of Chinese National Identity

2011 ◽  
Vol 205 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hays Gries ◽  
Qingmin Zhang ◽  
H. Michael Crowson ◽  
Huajian Cai
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Policy Attitudes

AbstractWhat is the nature of Chinese patriotism and nationalism, how does it differ from American patriotism and nationalism, and what impact do they have on Chinese foreign policy attitudes? To explore the structure and consequences of Chinese national identity, three surveys were conducted in China and the US in the spring and summer of 2009. While patriotism and nationalism were empirically similar in the US, they were highly distinct in China, with patriotism aligning with a benign internationalism and nationalism with a more malign blind patriotism. Chinese patriotism/internationalism, furthermore, had no impact on perceived US threats or US policy preferences, while nationalism did. The role of nationalist historical beliefs in structures of Chinese national identity was also explored, as well as the consequences of historical beliefs for the perception of US military and humiliation threats.

Islam and the World

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
The West ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Revivalism

Recent scholarship on Islam and world politics asks how Muslims relate with the United States, but has conceived of foreign policy preferences in simplistic, pro- or anti-US terms. This chapter examines how Islamic revivalism shapes foreign policy attitudes in Indonesia, introducing a flexible methodology for capturing both the multidimensionality and nonexclusivity of Indonesian Muslims’ views of the West, the Muslim World, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. It shows that pious Muslims in Indonesia are not more likely to be anti-US; they are, rather, more likely to hold cosmopolitan worldviews. These findings are inconsistent with a “clash of civilizations” view of Islamic revivalism in Indonesia. Instead, they support an alternative perspective of Islamic revivalism as marked by modernity and cosmopolitanism rather than fundamentalism or particularism.

The Trouble with Compliance

1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 660-688 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEANNE A. K. HEY
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Compliance Model

The compliance model of dependent foreign policy argues that dependent states will implement the foreign policy preferences of their dominant economic partners. Despite its failure to deliver strong empirical results, compliance remains dominant within the study of dependent foreign policy. This article examines compliance's problems and explains its endurance within the subfield of international relations. Six cases drawn from the Hurtado and Febres Cordero administrations in Ecuador during the 1980s are analyzed to evaluate compliance's three critical assumptions about the dependent foreign policy process: the unitary actor, core-periphery bargaining, and divergent preferences between core and periphery. In only one of the cases do compliance's assumptions hold true and does compliance account for Ecuador's foreign policy. Flaws in the bargaining assumption and the divergent preferences assumption account for the model's poor description of the process behind many dependent states' foreign policies.

Nationalism, Patriotism and Foreign Policy Attitudes among Chinese University Students

2013 ◽  
Vol 216 ◽  
pp. 1045-1063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elina Sinkkonen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
University Students ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Linear Regression Models ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Chinese University ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Chinese University Students ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Foreign Policy Attitudes

AbstractDoes empirical evidence support treating “nationalism” and “patriotism” as separate concepts in China and is there a relationship between strong nationalist/patriotic attitudes and foreign policy preferences? To analyse the construction of Chinese national identity, Chinese university students (N = 1346) took part in a survey in Beijing in spring 2007. The data supported the assumption of a conceptual separation between nationalism and patriotism. CCP members and students from rural backgrounds were more nationalistic than non-members and students with urban upbringings. Moreover, nationalism had a stronger link to foreign policy preferences than patriotism, and respondents with a greater degree of nationalism were less likely to favour international cooperation and more likely to prefer protectionist policies. The associations of nationalism and patriotism with foreign policy attitudes, and the contribution of other potential explanatory factors to the relationship between nationalism, patriotism and policy attitudes were explored with linear regression models.

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