The Dynamics of Violence in Vietnam: An Analysis of the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES)

2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stathis N. Kalyvas ◽  
Matthew Adam Kocher
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Evaluation System ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Department ◽  
Full Control ◽  
The Status ◽  
Data Source ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Hamlet

The authors analyze a unique data source to study the determinants of violence against civilians in a civil war context. During the Vietnam War, the United States Department of Defense pioneered the use of quantitative analysis for operational purposes. The centerpiece of that effort was the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES), a monthly and quarterly rating of `the status of pacification at the hamlet and village level throughout the Republic of Vietnam'. Consistent with existing theoretical claims, the authors find that homicidal violence against civilians was a function of the level of territorial control exercised by the rival sides: Vietnamese insurgents relied on selective violence primarily where they enjoyed predominant, but not full, control; South Vietnamese government and US forces exercised indiscriminate violence primarily in the most rebel-dominated areas. Violence was less common in the most contested areas. The absence of spatial overlap between insurgent selective and incumbent indiscriminate violence, as well as the relative absence of violence from contested areas, demonstrates both the fundamental divergence between irregular and conventional war and the need for cautious use of violent events as indicators of conflict.

“Mourning a Loss: Conservative Support for Ngo Dinh Diem”

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-284
Author(s):  
Seth Offenbach
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Great Hope ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Ngo Dinh Diem ◽  
The U.S

The U.S. conservative movement in the mid-20th Century argued that the United States needed to continuously get tougher in the fight against communism worldwide. It remained supportive of U.S. efforts throughout the Vietnam War. However, in the period immediately preceding Americanization of the war in 1965, conservatives were uncertain about the outcome of any fighting in Vietnam. Specifically, they claimed that optimism for the Republic of Vietnam was lost with the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963. Without Diem, conservatives claimed, the Vietnam War was likely lost before it began. This article discusses how Diem went from a barely talked-about anti-Communist ally prior to his death to becoming posthumously the last great hope for Southeast Asia. Conservatives argued that without Diem, the only way the United States would be able to stop Communist expansion in Indochina would be to engage in a massive aerial bombing campaign and find a regional partner to deploy troops. Had he survived, this might not have been necessary. Learning why and how conservatives supported Diem after his death helps us better understand how conservatives reacted to the Vietnam War once Americanization began in 1965.

scholarly journals United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (27) ◽  
pp. 96-106
Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Republic

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.

scholarly journals Military cooperation between the United States of America and the Republic of Vietnam (1969-1973)

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. first
Author(s):  
Le Thi Nhuong
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Cooperation ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S

President M. Richard Nixon took office in the context that the United States was being crisis and deeply divided by the Vietnam war. Ending the war became the new administration's top priority. The top priority of the new government was to get the American out of the war. But if the American got out of the war and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) fell, the honor and and prestige of the U.S will be effected. Nixon government wanted to conclude American involvement honorably. It means that the U.S forces could be returned to the U.S, but still maintaining the RVN government in South Vietnam. To accomplish this goal, Nixon government implemented linkage diplomacy, negotiated with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Paris and implemented "Vietnamization" strategy. The aim of the Vietnamization was to train and provide equipments for the RVN's military forces that gradually replace the U.S. troops, take responsibility in self-guarantee for their own security. By analyzing the military cooperation between the United States and the RVN in the implementation of "Vietnamization", the paper aims to clarify the nature of the "allied relationship" between the U.S and the RVN. It also proves that the goal of Nixon's Vietnamization was not to help the RVN "reach to a strong government with a wealthy economy, a powerful internal security and military forces", served the policy of withdrawing American troops from the war that the U.S could not win militarily, solving internal problems but still preserving the honor of the United States.

Procedury karne w stosunku do żołnierzy sił zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz członków ich personelu cywilnego przebywających na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Marek Centkowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Criminal Jurisdiction ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The subject of this work is to clarify the issues of criminal jurisdiction set forth in articles 13-15 of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the United States of America regarding the status of the armed forces of the United States of America on the territory of the Republic of Poland of December 11, 2009 in Warsaw. The author simultaneously conducts analysis of the provisions in article VII NATO SOFA, a supplemental agreement between the Governments of Poland and the United States. In addition, memorandum of Understanding between the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Poland and the Command of the Armed Forces of the United States of America in Europe regarding foreign criminal jurisdiction, signed on October 23, 2014 in Warsaw is discussed. The memorandum specifies the provisions of the above-mentioned two international agreements, describing, among other things, how to proceed with American soldiers and members of their civilian staff as perpetrators of prohibited acts. Furthermore, this document contains templates for letters addressed to US military authorities, and Polish judicial authorities with respect to the priority of jurisdiction, as well as arrangements related to the performance of official duties by the perpetrator at the time of committing a prohibited act. The authorities that supervise or conduct preparatory proceedings against members of the United States forces and their civilian personnel are military prosecutors of the regional or the district prosecutor’s offices. The Police, on the other hand and Military Police are law enforcement agencies carrying out procedural activities at the scene and carryingout activities commissioned by the military prosecutor.

The United States and Taiwan’s Nuclear Weapons Program, 1967–1978

2019 ◽  
pp. 211-258
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Taliaferro
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arms Transfers ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
East And Southeast Asia ◽  
The Republic

Chapter 6 examines the nonproliferation dispute between the United States and the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan between 1967 and 1987. Like the South Korean case, the Nixon administration’s efforts to extricate the United States from the Vietnam War, draw down US troop levels in East and Southeast Asia, and seek a rapprochement with the People’s Republic of China precipitated this dispute. The overriding goal of the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations was to enlist China as an ally of convenience against the Soviet Union, but without completely abandoning Taiwan. The Ford and the Carter administrations used a mix of threats to suspend bilateral nuclear cooperation and promises of limited arms transfers to convince ROC premier (and later president) Chiang Ching-kuo to abandon nuclear weapons research in the late 1970s. Reports that Taiwan achieved a “controlled” nuclear reaction in 1987 led the Reagan administration to demand ROC president Lee Teng-hui renounce all nuclear weapons research.

The United States and South Korea’s Nuclear Weapons Program, 1970–1981

2019 ◽  
pp. 160-210
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Taliaferro
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ford Administration ◽  
Park Chung Hee ◽  
East And Southeast Asia ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Reprocessing Plant

Chapter 5 examines the proliferation dispute between the United States and the Republic of Korea (ROK). The Nixon administration’s efforts to extricate the United States from the Vietnam War, draw down US troops in East and Southeast Asia, and seek a rapprochement with China precipitated this dispute. ROK president Park Chung-hee authorized a secret nuclear weapons program in 1972. The Ford administration used a mix of threats to suspend bilateral nuclear cooperation and promises to stabilize US troop levels to get Park to cancel the purchase of a French reprocessing plant in 1975 and 1976. The dispute erupted anew in 1977, when Carter proposed withdrawing all US troops and tactical nuclear weapons. The crisis was finally resolved in 1981, when the Reagan administration pledged to maintain troop levels in exchange for ROK president Chun Doo-hwan’s redirecting nuclear energy research to civilian purposes.

scholarly journals Realities and Strategies in Managing North Korea’s Nuclear Challenge

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 465-484
Author(s):  
Chung Kyung-Young
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
High Altitude Area ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Nuclear Warfare ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S

The nuclear program is arguably Kim Jong-un’s strategic fantasy and core asset for breaking the status quo in order to achieve a unified Korea. To cope with North Korea’s grave nuclear and missile threats, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system needs to be deployed in South Korea for deterrence by denial. In the meantime, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) should not exclude the military option in the event of any further nuclear test and Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) launch experiment by North Korea. The U.S. government should consider redeploying tactical nuclear warheads to South Korea in order to make the extended deterrence more effective. The South Korean government should make it clear that the Republic of Korea (ROK) does not seek to join, nor will it be incorporated into, the U.S.-led missile defense system. The United States and China should cooperate with South Korea to take the lead in achieving a norm-oriented, nuclear-free, and unified Korea. In particular, ROK-U.S.-China strategic cooperation is essential to preventing any potential nuclear warfare and maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea, the United States and China should propose restructured negotiations on important issues that provide genuine incentives for Pyongyang, culminating in complete and verifiable denuclearization and a treaty that will end the tensions on the Peninsula. In addition, the trilateral cooperation needs to adopt a more proactive engagement policy to facilitate North Korea’s lasting transformation.

scholarly journals The Characters of Special Region According to The 1945 Constitution of Republic of Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 320-339
Author(s):  
Asep Hermanto ◽  
Anggara Suwahju
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Regional Administration ◽  
Provincial Level ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Current Arrangement ◽  
Special Region

The Republic of Indonesia, based on the 1945 Constitution, the second Amendment, recognizes the existence of a Special Region and its distinctive governance. Article 18B, Paragraph (1), of the 1945 Constitution reads, “The State shall recognize and respect entities of regional administration that possess a specificity or a distinctiveness that are to be regulated by law”. Previously, the governance of special region was also regulated in the first version of the 1945 Constitution that was stipulated on August 18, 1945. In addition, it is contained in other constitutions that were formerly effective in Indonesia: the 1949 Constitution of the Republic of the United States of Indonesia, and the 1950 UUDS. The clearest arrangements regarding the status of special region were covered by the 1950 UUDS, whereas the 1945 and the 1949 Constitutions do not provide detailed description of special regional government units. This triggers some fundamental questions related to the substance of special region. This study reveals several facts related to the existence and administration of government in special regions. Among other things, the current arrangement does not open up the possibility of forming new special regions and the administration of special region only exists at the provincial level.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Long T. Bui
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Asian American ◽  
The United States ◽  
History And Memory ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Heuristic Device ◽  
Critical Refugee Studies ◽  
The Cold War

The introduction presents the book’s main argument, theoretical framework, and primary research questions. It provides a brief summary of the second Indochinese War or the Vietnam War and how the Republic of Vietnam came into being. It then discusses the Nixon strategy to “Vietnamize” the war in 1969, arguing that the term Vietnamization provides a productive term to interrogate the gendered racial logics of U.S. imperialism during the Cold War in Southeast Asia and its relationship with foreign allies. The chapter first begins with how the twenty-first century offers a generational lapse and new historical occasion to reflect upon the Vietnam War. It then offers a theorization of Vietnamization as a heuristic device to elaborate why cultural memory and discourse surrounding the Vietnam War remain conflicted as tied to the collapse of South Vietnam and its inability to protect and save itself. Vietnamization serves as a critical vocabulary for imagining the “arrested future” or delayed moment of freedom/liberation for American allies, shaping postwar ideas of citizenship, nationalism, and emancipation. As a critical refugee studies project, the book is situated and contextualized within larger debates in Asian American cultural studies and criticism over war. Finally, the introduction provides an elaboration of relevant scholarship under way in this field of history and memory. It explains why it is important to conduct research in the United States, Vietnam, and the Vietnamese American community discussing the geopolitical dimensions of refugee culture and consciousness.

International Whaling Commission

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 854-854
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Department ◽  
States Department ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
International Whaling Commission ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Status ◽  
Rules Of Procedure

On July 19, the United States Department of State announced that the International Whaling Commission would convene at Capetown, South Africa, for its third annual meeting on July 23, 1951. The third meeting was to be concerned with such matters as possible amendments of the schedule of regulations controlling whaling; action taken by member governments to promulgate certain laws and regulations concerning whaling, in conformity with the provisions of the 1946 convention; the method of reporting infractions of the regulations and the penalities for such infractions; the status of ratification and adherence of several countries to the convention; possible amendments to the rules of procedure; and administrative and budgetary matters.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document