Police integration and support for anti-government violence in divided societies: Evidence from Iraq

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Nanes

How does the demographic makeup of the police affect violent conflict in divided societies? I argue that following a shift in relative group power, integrating the police rank-and-file addresses incentives to rebel by solving a commitment problem between the powerful state and a weaker group. I test this argument using a survey experiment of 800 Baghdad residents. Providing Sunni (minority) respondents with an informational prime that the police are integrated reduces support for anti-government violence. Consistent with the commitment mechanism, Sunnis, but not Shias, who receive the prime are less fearful of future repression by the government. The key mechanism is the way in which officers are distributed. It is more difficult for the state to renege on inclusion when minority officers serve in mixed units rather than being isolated in minority-only units. Patrol-level heterogeneity makes it difficult for the government to withhold equipment or information from officers on the basis of group identity, and makes the state reliant on officers from all groups to serve all parts of the country. Among survey respondents in Baghdad, I find that those who perceive the police as mixed between Sunnis and Shias, but not those who perceive officers to be primarily members of their own sect, are less expectant that the government will try to harm them. This article contributes to research on institutions in divided societies by identifying a form of inclusion which is self-enforcing, improving long-term prospects for peace by resolving underlying insecurities in the shadow of historical conflict.

Author(s):  
Pratyush Paras Sarma ◽  
Sagarmoy Phukan

Assam was the first state in India to have undertaken the Global Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a long-term guiding strategy for development. At the end of five years, before the state election, evaluating the work on SDGs in Assam is essential to follow up on the commitment of the government. But before we start evaluating the SDGs it is important to understand the development road Assam has taken over the last 100-150 years and why we must make a new turn. This study has tried to understand certain loopholes which have hampered the progress of SDGs in Assam along with how much Assam has been able to address its sustainability issues and how we can progress. We have reviewed the performance of the state based upon the official performance index released by NITI Aayog, Government of India. Our review of the index reflects that Assam has performed relatively poorer than the other states of the country. However, the ethnic culture of the region was deeply rooted in nature which the state can now adopt and harness to achieve its SDGs. KEYWORDS: Sustainable Development Goals; Assam Election; Indigenous Knowledge; Citizen Science; Polycentric Governance


Author(s):  
Alexandre Kedar ◽  
Ahmad Amara ◽  
Oren Yiftachel

Among the most contested facets of the conflict between the state and the Bedouins are land ownership and recognition of 46 “unrecognized” or partly recognized localities. This chapter completes the picture by addressing the question of planning and the Bedouin unrecognized villages. Since 1948, the Israeli government has persistently and forcefully attempted to urbanize the Bedouins and concentrate them in a few urban centers. Such practices involved displacements, house demolitions, and zoning practices that produced an “illegal” geography and “gray spacing” that exposed the Bedouins to constant threat of demolition and eviction. The chapter outlines the various plans, commissions, and development and zoning plans introduced by the government, as well as the alternative plans and visions offered by the Bedouins communities, in an effort to protect their homes, localities and lands. Such alternative planning serves as a foundation for long-term reconciliation and coexistence between settler and indigenous groups.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansoureh Ettehadieh Nezam-Mafi

The history and development of land tenure in Iran have been affected by many factors, including climatic conditions, scarcity of water, lack of security, widespread tribalism, and legal and administrative confusion. In addition to limitations in resources, political instability in the premodern period molded systems of land tenure in Iran. Changes of dynasty were frequent and usually followed by the confiscation and redistribution of land. The Qajar dynasty (1788–1925), which came to power after a long period of anarchy and civil war, continued that general pattern. There were three classes of land ownership in Iran in this period: waqfs (religious endowments), arbābī (land owned by large landlords), and khāliṣah (state-owned lands). This last category was composed of lands confiscated by the government as punishment for rebellion or failure to pay taxes. As land was often the only form of wealth landlords had, the threat of government confiscation was an instrument of control as well as a source of revenue for the state. The khāliṣah were usually rented out on long-term leases or were granted as ṭuyul, that is in lieu of services rendered or salaries deferred. The khāliṣah were also in some instances farmed directly by the government. These lands were cultivated by peasants under conditions similar to those of the arbābī lands. They were scattered throughout the country and were also subject to various local and regional variations in agricultural taxes.


account ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ratiyah Ratiyah ◽  
Lukman Sri Muchtar

ABSTRACT   In order to maximize taxes, the Government carried out reforms by implementing policies thatwere driven by the smaller possibility of hiding assets outside the territory of the Republic ofIndonesia.  One part of the current tax reform is the government policy regarding the Tax Amnestyprogram.  This study aims to find out how to increase awareness and compliance of Taxpayers and tofind out the achievement of Tax Amnesty results.  The results of this study are that the awareness andcompliance of individual taxpayers in the tax amnesty program is quite high because the governmentseeks to improve several sectors, namely by conducting socialization from the government itself andfrom the tax service office.  The results of achieving Tax Amnesty are quite significant even thoughthere are several obstacles.  It means that the Tax Amnesty program is planned in the long term andwas managed well and the State will get an increase in tax revenues in a short time. Keywords: Tax Amnesty, Taxpayer  ABSTRAK   Dalam rangka memaksimalkan pajak, Pemerintah melakukan reformasi dengan menerapkankebijakan untuk terobosan yang didorong oleh semakin kecilnya kemungkinan untukmenyembunyikan harta kekayaan di luar wilayah Negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Salah satubagian dari reformasi perpajakan saat ini dengan adanya kebijakan pemerintah mengenai programTax Amnesty. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui bagaimana meningkatkan kesadaran dankepatuhan Wajib Pajak dan untuk mengetahui pencapaian hasil Tax Amnesty. Hasil dari penelitianini yaitu Kesadaran dan kepatuhan wajib pajak orang pribadi dalam program tax amnesty cukuptinggi ini dikarenakan pemerintah berupaya untuk meningkatkan beberapa sektor yaitu denganmelakukan sosialisasi baik dari pemerintah itu sendiri maupun dari kantor pelayanan pajak dan hasilpencapaian penerapan Tax Amnesty cukup signifikan meski masih ada beberapa kendala. Yangartinya jika program Tax Amnesty direncanakan dalam jangka panjang dan dikelola dengan baik,Negara akan memperoleh peningkatan penerimaan pajak dalam waktu singkat. Kata kunci: Tax Amnesty, Wajib Pajak


Author(s):  
Anton Sotnikov

The article presents the results of a study conducted by the author on the impact of trust between business and the state on the innovative development of the economy. A brief description of the phenomenon under consideration in the Russian Federation is given, and the main problems in the relationships of these entities are shown using specific examples. The crisis of confidence entails significant risks for the business, which in turn leads to a reduction in business activity and the outflow of capital. Overcoming this crisis is not possible with short-term targeted measures, since it is necessary to apply a long-term programmatic approach that combines various measures and mechanisms, as well as the interaction of the parties. The author, including, based on international experience, shows the mechanisms by which it is possible to structure relations between the government and the business community. According to the author, various measures, both general and specific, contribute to the improvement of the investment climate. The author sees the judicial system independent of the state as the main guarantee. Also, the article discusses issues of legislative guarantees of investments, providing for full compensation for damage when changing state policy in relation to specific types of activities; the introduction of public-private partnership models to address socially significant projects that are not of commercial interest to firms in the absence of state support; creation and functioning of entrepreneurial innovation infrastructure for the development of innovative firms through the combined efforts of state authorities and local self-government; improvement of civil society institutions and public discussion of the activities of state institutions and entrepreneurs.


Subject The outlook for solar power in Mexico. Significance Mexico's second-largest solar park -- Central Los Santos Solar I -- began operations on April 18. Its inauguration followed the first long-term power auction to supply the state-owned utility Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) on March 28, and is part of a modest expansion of solar power infrastructure in the north of the country. Impacts The government plans to hold an electricity tender every year, with the terms released in April. The outcome of the second long-term power auction will be made public on September 30. According to Under-Secretary of Clean Energy Efrain Villanueva Arcos, the government may increase further its clean energy goals for 2021.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Osorio ◽  
Livia I Schubiger ◽  
Michael Weintraub

Does violent repression strengthen the state? In this article we explore the legacies of repression by the Mexican government on subsequent patterns of state consolidation. We investigate how a particular form of state repression, forced disappearances of alleged leftist dissidents during the ‘Dirty War’, had path-dependent consequences for different dimensions of state capacity nearly 50 years later. To do so, we rely on data gathered from suppressed Mexican human rights reports of forced disappearances which, to our knowledge, have not been analyzed by social scientists before. Controlling for a rich set of pre-disappearances covariates we find that forced disappearances are positively correlated with contemporary measures of fiscal, territorial, and bureaucratic capacity. However, historical forced disappearances do not help the state to provide security, to consolidate its monopoly over the use of force, or to provide welfare-related public goods in the long run. Moreover, disappearances are negatively correlated with various measures of trust in the government. Forced disappearances committed by the state appear to have long-term yet heterogeneous effects on state consolidation.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-35
Author(s):  
Boria Sax

Lutz Rathenow has the dubious distinction of being the first East German writer to have been arrested for the crime of publishing a book abroad. His brief imprisonment in December 1980, under the laws enacted that same year, was based on his publishing a group of stories, Mit dem Schlimmsten wurde schon gerechnet (‘Prepared for the Worst’) with the West German publishing house Ullstein Verlag. The case established a potentially important precedent for the use of the 1980 laws on relations with foreigners, and more generally showed the lengths to which the government would go to harass a single, somewhat troublesome, citizen. In recent years, East European regimes have tended to replace exile and long-term imprisonment with subtler forms of punishment that are more difficult to document or protest against. Dissidents are likely to be imprisoned repeatedly for brief periods, deprived of work, interrogated and followed by government agents. The intent is to gradually wear down resistance by creating a feeling of insecurity, while at the same time avoiding direct confrontations. Although life is made difficult for him, an individual is, so far as possible, deprived of the opportunity to make symbolically meaningful gestures of protest.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1024-1045
Author(s):  
JAMIE LEVIN

For most of its existence, the Second Amendment was largely ignored by Constitutional scholars. Recently, a veritable cottage industry has developed in which two distinct camps have surfaced: so-called “Standard Modelers,” who argue that individuals have a right to bear arms for self-defense, the defense of the state, and, in the most extreme examples, to overthrow the government should it become tyrannical, and those who view the Second Amendment as a collective right vested in the state militias for the purposes of law enforcement, to protect against foreign aggression, to quell domestic insurrection, and as a check against federal overreach. Despite the enormous gulf between them, both sides agree that the right to bear arms provides a counterbalance against the federal government. This paper uses insights from game theory to shed new light on the adoption of the Second Amendment. The states suffered a commitment problem. They wished to cooperate with each other by founding a new republic, but feared the consequences of doing so: losing their freedom to a powerful government. The Second Amendment militated against the need for a large federal army, acted to counterbalance federal forces, and created the offensive means with which to confront a tyrannical government.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 2010
Author(s):  
Ar. Shehu ◽  
Ag. Shehu

Albania is focusing its efforts in the achievement of medium and long-term development objectives, particularly so its goals for European integration and the processes to this end. Local and foreign investments and projects in the Extractive industry are growing in the last years. Statistical data and references show an increased level of production and payments made to the state. Income from hydrocarbon sector constitutes the most important part of these payments, followed by the mining sector for the production of construction materials.The level of production and income recorded in these sectors is increasing. Proof of this are the payments made to the government by the extractive industry year after year, thus showing consistency of the economic sector and a moderate impact on the state budget and other macroeconomic indicators.Joining this initiative comes as a continuation of reforms undertaken for this purpose, in order to increase the transparency for all payments made to the Albanian State by the Extractive Industry. It follows the path of a broad program of economic, financial and institutional reform where transparency and proper management of natural resources have a particular importance. These two factors are essential for sustainable development. The new Mining Law and other by-laws, in addition to other changes required by legal improvements and economic development of the country, reflect the requirements of this initiative.


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