Uber, Marshrutkas and socially (dis-)embedded mobilities

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lela Rekhviashvili ◽  
Wladimir Sgibnev
Keyword(s):  
Labour Force ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Capital Investments ◽  
Negative Externalities ◽  
State Regulations ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Safety Risks ◽  
Labour Standards ◽  
Transport Workers ◽  
Global North

This article offers a first comparative discussion about ride-sharing (ride-sourcing) practices and informal transport. It focuses primarily on Uber, and marshrutkas – a socially and economically crucial mobility offer prevailing in many post-Soviet cities. The absence or evasion of state regulations, low labour standards of transport workers, and high safety risks for passengers unite the high-tech globalised corporate ride-sourcing sector and low-tech localised marshrutkas. The digital technological leap has made it infinitely easier to recruit transport workers to de-territorialise coordination activities, to advocate for avoiding regulations and draw significant capital investments. In cities of the Global North this leads to an informalisation of formerly relatively protected labour relations. In cities of the Global South, this can involve the loss of horizontally embedded modes of shared transport, in favour of corporate ride-sourcing: further fragmentation and alienation of the labour force, without solving issues of negative externalities.

Law and the Culture of Capital: A Critical Perspective on Labour’s Right to Associate in Developing Societies

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. A. Visano ◽  
Nicholas Adete Bastine
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Law And Economics ◽  
Complex Form ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Legal Narratives ◽  
Labour Standards ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
Developing Societies ◽  
International Labour Standards ◽  
The Impact

Informed by critical theory, this paper focuses on the dialectical interplay between law and economics evident in the practices and policies of the International Labour Organization (ILO). It is argued, first, that governments do not comply with international labour standards because of the inherent weaknesses of the ILO as the source and enforcer of international obligations. Second, the parochial politicization of rights defers to the arrogance of ignorance. Third, developing societies are overwhelmingly preoccupied with socioeconomic development. In exploring the impact of ILO practices on developing societies within the policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB), this paper asks the following questions: to what extent does capital form and inform the law in relation to conflicting economic narratives of development and nationhood? How and why does the ILO talk up legal narratives of regulation and contest? How does law hegemonize capital integration? How does law symbolically function to mediate labour relations meanings and manipulate the inaction of civil society? Within the larger structure of “market forces,” the commodity of law is a complex form of social communication that diverts attention away from the political impact of predatory economies.

scholarly journals TOWARDS AN EFFECTIVE KENYAN LABOUR DISPUTE RESOLUTION SYSTEM: A COMPARISON WITH THE SOUTH AFRICAN LABOUR DISPUTE RESOLUTION SYSTEM

Obiter ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johana K Gathongo ◽  
Adriaan van der Walt
Keyword(s):  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Resolution System ◽  
Labour Dispute ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Labour Standards ◽  
International Labour Standards ◽  
The Government ◽  
Dispute Resolution System

There have been notable concerns in the current dual dispute resolution system in Kenya. The problems include protracted referral timeframes for dismissal disputes, non-regulation of maximum timeframes for the agreed extension after 30 days conciliation period has lapsed, the absence of statutory timeframes for appointing a conciliator/ commissioner and arbitration process under both the Labour Relations Act, 2007 and the Employment Act, 2007. Likewise, the responsibility of resolving statutory labour disputes in Kenya is still heavily under the control of the government through the Ministry of Labour. There is still no independent statutory dispute resolution institution as envisaged by the Labour Relations Act, 2007. As a result, the Kenyan dispute resolution system has been criticised for lack of impartiality leading to the increase in strikes and lockouts.This article examines the effectiveness of the Kenyan labour dispute resolution system. The article evaluates the provisions of international labour standards relevant to labour dispute resolution. The article illuminates and describes the bottlenecks in the current Kenyan system and argues that it does not adequately respond to the needs of parties in terms of the international labour conventions. A comparative approach with South Africa is adopted to see how independent institutions, such as the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration, Bargaining Councils and specialised Labour Courts can lead to effective dispute resolution. In view of that, a wide range of remedial intervention intended to address the gaps and flaws highlighted in the study are made. Systematically, the article provides suggestions and possible solutions for a better institutional framework and processes to address them.

Maritime Labour

2000 ◽  
pp. 213-256
Author(s):  
Frank Broeze
Keyword(s):  
Social Impact ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Work Force ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Shipping Industry ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
International Transport ◽  
Transport Workers

This chapter examines the social impact that containerisation - and the drastic topographical and economic changes to the shipping industry - had upon the livliehoods of maritime labourers. It explores the challenges and consequences of new technologies faced by labourers and maritime communities within the shipping industrythe drastic shifts in skillsets necessary for maritime labourers in order to keep up with technological development; and the reduction of labour force within the shipping industry. The chapter is divided into sections as follows: Seafarers; Flags of Convenience; Training; Down-sizing and Multi-skilling; Safety and Accidents at Sea; Port Workers; Decimation of the Work Force; Social Consequences of Containerism; Industrial Conflicts and Port Workers’ Unions; The International Transport Workers’ Federation; and Resugent Militancy and Political Protest. It concludes by suggesting the only way forward is to approach modernisation, globalisation, and privatisation with a humane outlook.

scholarly journals Does certification improve hired labour conditions and wageworker conditions at banana plantations?

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fédes van Rijn ◽  
Ricardo Fort ◽  
Ruerd Ruben ◽  
Tinka Koster ◽  
Gonne Beekman
Keyword(s):  
Labour Force ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Social Benefits ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Private Savings ◽  
Banana Plantations ◽  
Additional Value ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Voice

Abstract Certification of banana plantations is widely used as a device for protecting and improving socio-economic conditions of wageworkers, including their incomes, working conditions and—increasingly—voice [related to labour relations and workplace representation]. However, to date, evidence about the effectiveness of certification in these domains is scarce. We collected detailed field data on (1) economic benefits for improving household income, (2) social benefits for labour practices, and (3) the voice of wageworkers focusing on identity and identification issues amongst wageworkers at Fairtrade certified banana plantations and comparable, non-certified plantations in the Dominican Republic. We used different types of regression models to identify significant relationships. Econometrical analysis of survey results complemented by field observations and outcomes from in-depth stakeholder interviews indicate that the impact of Fairtrade certification on wageworkers’ economic benefits is rather limited. However, the impact on the voice of wageworkers (job satisfaction, sense of ownership, trust), is more evident. On Fairtrade certified plantations workers are more satisfied with the course of life and better represented. Thus while the additional value of Fairtrade certification on primary wages seems limited, Fairtrade has relevant positive effects on the labour force, particularly by delivering in-kind benefits, offering a sense of job-security, improving voice and enabling private savings. Benefits of (Fairtrade) certification, but also other interventions with a similar purpose, might therefore not be discerned in terms of economic benefits such as wages or basic labour conditions that are under direct control of (inter)national law, but they should be identified in terms of social benefits and improved norms of conduct for wageworker engagement.

scholarly journals Latvian High-Tech Industry: Trends and Developments

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Menaker ◽  
Velga Ozoliņa
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
High Tech ◽  
High Tech Industry ◽  
Tax Rate ◽  
Government Aid ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Industry Trends

Abstract The paper covers analysis of high-tech industry development in Latvia, as well as its facilitating and restricting factors. High-tech industries become more important in Latvia both in terms of export share and generated value added; also the number of enterprises and employees is increasing. A stable political system, enabling business environment, a relatively low corporate income tax rate, and government aid are considered as some of the most important facilitating factors. The paper emphasizes the government’s role in promoting and developing the high-tech manufacturing. The most significant limitations are the lack of skilled specialists and sophisticated real estate space, and the remote industrial supply companies and the service centres. Recommendations are given on the possible development directions, including improvements in manufacturing infrastructure, enhancements of the skill level of the labour force, and bringing up a new generation of entrepreneurs.

W.T.O. AND LABOUR ISSUES: A CHALLENGE

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-52
Author(s):  
Dr. Sunil Kumar Niranjan
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
Growth And Development ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Work Force ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
International Labour Organization ◽  
Economic Growth And Development ◽  
Competent Body ◽  
Labour Standards

Labour standard is the most burning agenda of the WTO ministerial dialogue held in Doha because advance countries wants to counter the demand of developing countries eg. opening market for agro exports, reduction of subsidy and support by developed countries etc. but the true picture of labour force in developing countries is that they do not have skilled, socially, economically child labour protected work force  due to lots of reasons at the international standard. The International Labour Organization (ILO) is the competent body to set and deal with these standards, and we affirm our support for its work in promoting them. We believe that economic growth and development fostered by increased trade and further trade liberalization contribute to the promotion of these standards. We reject the use of labour standards for protectionist purposes, and agree that the comparative advantage of countries, particularly low-wage developing countries, must in no way be put into question. In this regard, we note that the WTO and ILO Secretariats will continue their existing collaboration.

scholarly journals Strike Action and Working-Class Politics on Clydeside 1914–1919

1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Foster
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Strike Activity ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Structural Weakness ◽  
General Strike

SUMMARYThe record of strike activity on Clydeside is used to explore the interaction between workplace organisation and political attitudes in working-class communities, focussing in particular upon the shipyard labour force in the years immediately preceding the 1919 General Strike. The findings are used to question research by Iain McLean which minimised the political significance of industrial militancy during the period of the Red Clyde and that by Alastair Reid, which argued that the main consequences of wartime industrial experience were to strengthen social democratic perspectives. It is suggested that a limited but significant radicalisation did occur and that this was related to the specific labour relations practices of employers in the west of Scotland and the structural weakness of Clydeside's economy.

scholarly journals The Impact of the Labour Relations Act on Minority Trade Unions: A South African Perspective

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 284
Author(s):  
Johan Kruger ◽  
Clarence Itumeleng Tshoose
Keyword(s):  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
South African ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Labour Standards ◽  
International Labour Standards ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

The advent of the new political dispensation in 1994 heralded the coming of a new labour dispensation. Labour relations and labour policies changed significantly from that which prevailed under the previous government. The review of the labour legislation framework was at that stage a priority for the new government, with specific focus on the review of the collective bargaining dispensation. The abuse of trade unions under the previous government gave rise to a unique entrenchment of labour rights in the Constitution. The drafters thereof were determined to avoid a repetition of this abuse after 1994. Section 23 of the Constitution goes to great lengths to protect, amongst others, the right to form and join a trade union, the right of every trade union to organise and the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining. In furtherance of section 23(5) of the Constitution, the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 was promulgated. One of the most significant changes of the LRA was that it now provided for legislated organisational rights. Commentators have often viewed the LRA as favouring larger unions and as conferring clear advantages on unions with majority support at the establishment or industry level.  It is within this context that this article examines the impact of section 18 of the LRA on the constitutionally entrenched right of every person to freedom of association, the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining, and the right of every trade union to organise. Furthermore, this article explores the justifiability of the impact of section 18 on minority trade unions in terms of international labour standards and the Constitution. In part one the article examines the concept of majoritarianism, pluralism and industrial unionism in the context of South African Labour market. Part two deals with the impact of section 18 of the LRA on minority Trade Unions. Whilst part three explores the concept of workplace democracy. Part five investigates the applicability of international labour standards in the context of the right to freedom of association. Part four ends up with conclusion and recommendations on the impact of section 18 of the LRA.

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