Alveolar and Velarized Laterals in Albanian and in the Viennese Dialect

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia Moosmüller ◽  
Carolin Schmid ◽  
Christian H. Kasess
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Language Varieties ◽  
Other Hand

A comparison of alveolar and velarized lateral realizations in two language varieties, Albanian and the Viennese dialect, has been performed. Albanian distinguishes the two laterals phonemically, whereas in the Viennese dialect, the velarized lateral was introduced by language contact with Czech immigrants. A categorical distinction between the two lateral phonemes is fully maintained in Albanian. Results are not as straightforward in the Viennese dialect. Most prominently, female speakers, if at all, realize the velarized lateral in word-final position, thus indicating the application of a phonetically motivated process. The realization of the velarized lateral by male speakers, on the other hand, indicates that the velarized lateral replaced the former alveolar lateral phoneme. Alveolar laterals are either realized in perceptually salient positions, thus governed by an input-switch rule, or in front vowel contexts, thus subject to coarticulatory influences. Our results illustrate the subtle interplay of phonology, phonetics and sociolinguistics.

Progressive periphrases in language contact

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-127
Author(s):  
Rossella Maraffino
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
The Other ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Internal Development ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Alpine Area ◽  
Diffusion Pattern ◽  
The One

Abstract In this paper, I will deal with the diffusion pattern of the progressive periphrases (PROGPER) attested in the minority languages that are present in the areas of Swiss Grisons, Trentino-Alto Adige and Friulian Carnia. I will individualize on the one hand the vectors of diffusion between the standard languages and the minority varieties; on the other hand, I will explain the mechanism of adaptation or re-elaboration of the borrowed structure in the replica language. Finally, I will pinpoint which of this structure replication seems to be the result of an internal development witnessed in the Alpine area.

scholarly journals Drifting towards Ambiguity: A Closer Look at Palatalisation in L2 Irish

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Marina Snesareva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
First Language ◽  
The Other ◽  
Good Knowledge ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Everyday Communication ◽  
At Home

This article focuses on palatalisation in the Irish spoken by Dublin-based bilinguals for whom English is their first language. All informants had a good knowledge of both Irish and English; however, Irish was their second language, used less frequently in everyday communication. Most Dubliners start learning Irish at school; only a few informants had the opportunity to speak it at home, but even then the language was not used outside class on a regular basis. The study showed that most deviations in the distribution of palatalised and non-palatalised consonants in the speech of Dublin bilinguals were of the palatalisation absence type. Such deviations were especially frequent next to back and mid-back vowels. On the other hand, a palatalised consonant was often pronounced instead of a non-palatalised one next to a front vowel. Previous research suggests that these tendencies also apply in weak positions (Snesareva 2014a; 2014b). Consequently, even though in traditional Irish dialects palatalisation is not position-bound, in the speech of Dublin bilinguals there is correlation between the palatalisation of a consonant and the quality of its neighbouring vowel. However, such consonant distribution was not encountered in all contexts: even those informants whose speech had deviations used palatalisation properly in some contexts. This means that position-bound use of palatalisation is still a tendency rather than an entrenched feature of Dublin Irish.

scholarly journals Chinatown in Bangkok: The Multilingual Landscape

MANUSYA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hongmei Wu ◽  
Sethawut Techasan
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Cultural Awareness ◽  
Chinese Language ◽  
Minority Language ◽  
The Other ◽  
Chinese Characters ◽  
Linguistic Landscape ◽  
Chinese Community ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Other Hand

This paper examines the linguistic landscape (shop names) of Chinatown in Bangkok, a prosperous minority language (Chinese) community of diverse commercial establishments. Informed by an ethnographic framework, it explores the preservation of Chinese language and culture under the circumstance of language contact with Thai, the majority language, and globalization influence of English. Unsurprisingly, the inherited Chinese language (dialects as Teochew or Cantonese) was lost in the 2nd or 3rd generation of the Chinese descendants in Chinatown. However, the shop names suggest that in part because of its commodifying value and cultural awareness of the current proprietors, the Chinese shop owners are inclined to preserve the Chinese language and culture of the shops through the use of traditional Chinese characters, colors, layout and other marks of the shops. On the other hand, an analysis of the mutual translations of Chinese and Thai indicates that Chinese has more of a symbolic rather than informative function for Thai monolingual customers. Moreover, the ascendancy of English has contributed to the complexity of the multilingual landscape in Bangkok’s Chinatown.

11 Non-Articulated Bones

1972 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Joe Ben Wheat
Keyword(s):  
Lower Leg ◽  
Carpal Bones ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Animal Burrows ◽  
The Individual

The Olsen-Chubbuck Bone Bed (Table 15) produced a total of 4264 non-articulated bones, of which 4007 were found in the eastern part of the site, where nearly every bone was recorded. The figure of 257 bones recorded for the central and western parts of the site is undoubtedly low, although it is indicative of the generally lesser concentration of individual bones as well as articulated units in that part of the arroyo.It should not be imagined that all of the non-articulated bones represent complete butchering of those bones. No doubt, some of the individual bones became disarticulated through weathering between the butchering phase and final entombment in the bone deposit. This would certainly appear to be the case with such elements as vertebrae, sternal and costal elements, tarsal and carpal bones, phalanges, patellae, sesamoids, and isolated teeth. On the other hand, the butchering process, itself, probably resulted in the disarticulation of certain other kinds of skeletal parts. Removal and breakage of the mandible to get to the tongue, the consequent removal of the hyoid, breakage of the ribs, removal of the legs from the pelvis and the scapula, and removal of the lower leg, are examples of this kind of disarticulation. Even so, some of the leg components, such as femora and tibiae, humeri, radii, and ulnae, may have weathered apart. Some bones may also have been pulled apart by scavengers, but it should be noted in passing that remarkably little evidence was found that the bones had been gnawed by such animals. In any case, it would be difficult to assess completely the role played by weathering, washing, settling, and possible disturbance by scavengers, in the ultimate position of the bones. Even after covering, settling must have continued, and occasional animal burrows must have played a part in the final position of loose bones.

Spanish Diphthongization and Accentual Structure in Diachronic Perspective

Diachronica ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-242
Author(s):  
Yakov Malkiel
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Medieval Period ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Given

SUMMARY For over a century it has been axiomatic with Romance linguists that the formation of rising diphthongs in stressed syllables, at the threshold of the medieval period, was controlled by the given word's environment; by quantity (and, later, by quality) of the accented Latin vowel; and in most daughter languages (but not in Spanish) by the configuration of the syllable. On the other hand, it was believed to be irrelevant, by Hispanists, whether the stressed vowel was the ultimate, the penultimate, or the antepenultimate; and, so far as the last-mentioned situation was concerned, what vowel presided over the following post-tonic syllable. The present paper attempts to demonstrate that the prosodic position of the syllable at issue within the word is by no means irrelevant: Diphthongs thrive if followed by post-tonic a, but wither if followed by a front vowel. Certain developments previously deemed inexplicable thus begin to fall into place; for instance, Lat. pertica "pole"> O.Sp. piertega was replaced, before 1600, by (originally dialectal) pertiga. RÉSUMÉ Les romnisants ont suppose, depuis plus d'un siecle, que la di-phtongaison en syllabe accentue, a l'aube du myen age, dependait, es-sentiellemnt des facteurs suivants: des phonemes contigus; de la quantite (et, plus tard, de la qualite) de la voyelle latine d'origine; enfi de la coupe de la syllabe. D'atre part, les hispanistes n'at-tachaient aucune importance ala place qu'occupait la syllabe accentuee al'interieur du mot; et si ce mot etait proparoxyton, on ne se preoc-cupait pas trop de la voyelle post-tonique. Le present travail aspire a demntrer que les facteurs longtemps negliges ne manquent pas d'etre importants. Les interlocuteurs en ef-fet favorisent la diphtongue en syllabe antepenultieme si la voyelle suivante est a, mais pas du tout si elle est e ou i. Temoin le deve-loppement de latin pertica "perche", qui en ancien espagnol avait pro-duit piertega, tandis que le resultat posterieur (moyennant un emprunt fait aux dialectes) a ete pertiga. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Seit über einem Jahrhundert haben die Romanisten damit gerechnet, daB die Diphthongierung in betonter Silbe von folgenden Faktoren ab-hangt: der lautlichen Umgebung; der Quantitat (und spater der Quali-tat) des betonten Vokals im Lateinischen; schlieBlich von der Struktur der betreffenden Silbe. Hingegen schien die Stellung der betonten Silbe innerhalb des Wortes ziemlich unwichtig; wo es sich urn ein Proparoxy-tonon handelte, schien der Vokal der auf den Ton folgenden Silbe keine sonderliche Rolle zu spielen. Die hier vorgelegte Analyse raumt mit einigen dieser traditionel-len Auffassungen auf. Es ergibt sich namlich, daB ein a in der nach-tonigen Silbe den steigenden Diphthong eines Proparoxytonons fordert, wahrend ein e oder i in dieser Stellung ihn gefahrdet. So wird es nun-mehr zum ersten Mai verstandlich, daB lat. pertica "pfahl, Stock" zwar im Altspanischen piertega ergeben konnte, daB aber die neuere Form (den Mundarten entnommen) pértiga heißt.

scholarly journals Encoding the plural-honorific suffix -ani and the imperfective anga in Malawian CiTonga (N.15)

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-369
Author(s):  
Winfred Mkochi
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Bantu Languages ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status

Many Bantu languages have the plural-honorific suffix *-Vni and the imperfective morpheme *-a(n)g-. In most of these languages, *-Vni is reported to be clearly encoded at POST-FINAL position. On the other hand, *-a(n)g- is said to be ambiguously encoded, either at EXT (extension) in one language or FV (final vowel) in another language. Still in others it coexists at both EXT and FV; there has also been a suggestion that it is encoded at POST-FINAL in several others. This article argues that the status of both the plural-honorific suffix -ani (*-Vni) and the imperfective -anga (*-a(n)g)- in CiTonga is fluid, it prevaricates between EXTENSION (suffix), FV (the commonest), and POST-FINAL (clitic). Although these formatives can be encoded at these positions, they are shown to be functionally different from extensions, inflectional vowel suffixes and clitics

scholarly journals The participle form of causative verbs in Dangme

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Regina Oforiwah Caesar
Keyword(s):  
Final Stage ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Word Class ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Causative Verbs

 AbstractThis paper presents a descriptive analysis of verbs with the participle marking affixes in expressing causatives in Dangme, a language that belongs to the Kwa group of the Niger-Congo family of languages.  The paper examines the syntax and the semantic perspectives of the participialized form of causative verbs in the Role and Reference Grammar’s (RRG) theory in Dangme. The participle is an affix which expresses the completion at the final stage of a process. As a verbal affix, it can take objects and have tense or aspect in languages. They also indicate active agency (actor) and an agency receiving an action (sufferer). Generally affixes that express participial are in two forms: the finite and non-finite categories. Unlike Akan and other languages that have both forms, Dangme has just the non-finite category which of two forms. The two non-finite forms of the verb in Dangme are the participle and the gerund. The gerund affix {-mi} denotes a new word class from verbs in Dangme, (noun). The participle on the other hand has adjective-like characteristics and it is expressed mostly with the front vowels of Dangme: /i, e, ԑ/. It is to be noted that to form the participle in Dangme, two processes are required. Firstly, the verb stem is reduplicated either partially or totally depending on the shape of the verb stem. The reduplicant then selects a front vowel of the same tongue height of the vowel of the verb stem. The words formed imply a process of change caused by a causer. For the purpose of this paper, my focus is on the participial affix used in expressing causative meaning in Dangme. 

scholarly journals Phonological and Morphological Functions of Palatalisation in Irish and Polish

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 99-134
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Cyran ◽  
◽  
Bogdan Szymanek ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Front Vowel ◽  
Verbal Nouns ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Historical Origin ◽  
Nominal Inflection ◽  
Phonemic Status

The paper attempts to compare the status of palatalization of consonants in Modern Irish and Polish within the phonological and morphological systems of the two languages. Irish and Polish have been selected from the Celtic and Slavic groups due to the fact that both have palatalized consonants. One function, which is connected with the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction is expressing lexical contrast, e.g. Irish cúis [ku:ʃ] ‘reason’ vs. ciumhais [kʲu:ʃ] ‘edge’ and Polish beli [beli] ‘roll, Gen.sg.’ vs. bieli [bʲeli] ‘whiteness, Gen.sg.’. Phonologically speaking, the term ‘palatalization’ is rather broad and ambiguous, as it subsumes two quite disparate linguistic situations. Namely, it may be understood as a dynamic phonetic or phonological process of fronting or softening a consonant in the context of the following front vowel [i/e] or glide [j]. In this sense, palatalization is allophonic, that is, a context dependent assimilatory process, as may be the case with Irish bith [bʲi] ‘existence’, or Polish bił [bʲiw] ‘he beat’. On the other hand, both Irish and Polish seem to show that palatalization of consonants may also be independent of the context, in which case we are not dealing with a process, but with a genuine lexical property of given consonants, that is, a phonemic distinction. This point can be illustrated by such forms as Irish beo [bʲo:] ‘alive’ and Polish biodro [bʲodro] ‘hip’. Here the palatalized consonant is followed by a back vowel and could not have been derived by assimilation. Another argument for the phonemic status of palatalization in the two languages comes from the forms in which the presence of a front vowel does not guarantee that a consonant will be palatalized, e.g. Irish tuí [ti:] ‘straw’ (cf. tí [tʲi:] ‘house, Gen.sg.’) and Polish beli [beli] ‘roll, Gen.sg.’. It may appear that the phonological similarities between Irish and Polish palatalization are considerable. However, the appealing picture becomes more complicated when the two systems are looked at in detail. Once present in the phonological representation of words, the property of palatalization in Irish behaves quite disparately from what is observed in Polish. In Irish, palatalization behaves as an independent property (autosegment) and has a tendency to spread leftwards, affecting the preceding short vowels, e.g. sop / soip [sop / sipʲ] ‘wisp / Gen.sg’, consonants and vowels, e.g. olc / oilc [olk / ilʲkʲ] ‘evil / Gen.sg.’, or even entire syllables, e.g. dorn / doirn [dorən / dirʲinʲ] ‘fist / Gen.sg.’. Thus, palatalization as an assimilatory process is not entirely inactive. On the other hand, in Polish, there is some vestigial consonant-vowel interaction, practically limited to velar consonants, as well as some cluster assimilation. The paper aims to define the conditions on the phonological scope of palatalization in Irish and Polish from the point of view of the historical origin of the phenomenon, distributional restrictions, and participation in processes. Both languages successfully utilize the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction also in the respective morphological systems. This general similarity has a historical origin in the loss of final syllables. The paper surveys various lexical derivations and inflectional paradigms involving palatalization in Irish and Polish. From the formal point of view, there seem to be two main ways in which the palatalized / non-palatalized distinction is utilized morphologically, each of which has two subcategories: 1. Palatalization a. as a sole formative: C > Cʲ, e.g. Irish bád / báid [bɑ:d / bɑ:dʲ] ‘boat, Nom.sg. / Nom.pl.’, and Polish ryb-a / rybi-a [rɨba / rybʲa] ‘fish, Nom.sg. / adj.Nom.sg.fem.’. b. as a co-formative: C > Cʲ+vowel, e.g. Irish deas / deise [dʲas / dʲeʃə] ‘nice / Gen.sg.’, and Polish student / studenc-i [student / studeɲtɕi] ‘student, Nom.sg. / Nom.pl.’. 2. De-palatalization a. as a sole formative: Cʲ > C, e.g. Irish athair / athar [ahir / ahər] ‘father, Nom.sg. / Gen.sg.’. b. as a co-formative: e.g. Polish liść / list-ek [liɕtɕ / listek] ‘leaf / dim.’ From the functional viewpoint, these effects are seen, in Polish, in some paradigms of nominal inflection, the derivation of abstract nouns from adjectives and of possessive denominal adjectives, as well as in large areas of expressive word-formation, etc. In Irish, the morphological impact of palatalization is best observed in the nominal inflection, but it also present in verbal inflection and some derivations, e.g. Verbal Nouns. Further cross-linguistic comparison and typological research is called for in order to fully appreciate the status of palatalization as a link between phonology and morphology. This paper attempts to lay the foundations for such research.

scholarly journals Cerminan Multikulturalisme dalam Interferensi dan Integrasi Lintas Bahasa di Kota Medan

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mhd. Pujiono
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
The Other ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
City Community ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The City

Interferensi dan Integrasi adalah fenomena kebahasaan hasil dari kontak bahasa yang terjadi di Masyarakat. Keadaan masyarakat kota Medan yang multietnis menjadikan fenomena interferensi dan integrasi banyak ditemukan. Di sisi lain, interferensi dan integrasi bahasa juga dapat menjadi cerminan multikulturalisme masyarakat di kota Medan. Makalah ini akan menjelaskan fenomena interferensi dan integrasi secara fonologi, morfologi dan sintaksis dalam masyarakat di kota Medan sebagai cerminan multikulturalisme. Kesimpulannya Interferensi dan Integrasi sebagai fenomena kebahasaan di Kota Medan yang terealisasi secara fonologis, morfologis dan sintaksis merupakan wujud cerminan multikulturalisme berupa sikap saling memahami,  menghargai, dan menghormati budaya antar etnik untuk menciptakan kehidupan yang harmonis antara sesama.   Interference and integration are linguistic phenomena resulting from language contact that occurs in the Community. The multiethnic condition of Medan city community has made many phenomena of interference and integration found. On the other hand, language interference and integration can also be a reflection of multiculturalism in the city of Medan. This paper will explain phenomena of interference and integration phonologically, morphologically and syntactically in society in Medan as a reflection of multiculturalism. In conclusion, Interference and Integration as language phenomena in Medan, which are realized phonologically, morphologically and syntactically are a reflection of multiculturalism in the form of mutual understanding, and respect for interethnic culture to create a harmonious life between people.

scholarly journals Asimetrías gramaticales asociadas a la animacidad en la lengua vasca: una perspectiva tipológica / Animacy-based grammatical asymmetries in Basque: a typological perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iván Igartua ◽  
Ekaitz Santazilia
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Grammatical Gender ◽  
The Other ◽  
Case Assignment ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
The One

This study provides a typological analysis of two phenomena related to case-marking in Basque. In both of them, animacy —or the distinction between what is animate and what is not— turns out to be determinant: we discuss case assignment to direct objects, on the one hand, and marking of locative cases, on the other hand. We have compared the two phenomena with diverse typological parallels in order to account for the variety of possible morphological strategies and identify particular conditions and restrictions. Furthermore, we have argued that differential object marking in Basque is a recent phenomenon, induced by language contact, whereas differential locative marking has an intralinguistic nature. Finally, we have defended that the role of animacy in both types of differential marking is different: in the first example it conditions case assignment and in the second it operates as a grammatical gender.

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