Guns and human suffering: A pastoral theological perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-347
Author(s):  
Ruth Lofgren Rosell

This article considers the immensity of human suffering caused by gun violence. In an attempt to understand why the United States has not been able to enact reasonable gun control measures, I explore the origins and influence of gun culture and its shaping by the National Rifle Association (NRA). This situation is discussed from theological perspectives and concepts of idolatry, redemptive violence, the spiraling effects of violence as sin, and the nonviolence of Jesus. Finally, I consider pastoral responses in caring for individuals, the faith tradition, the congregation, and the larger sociocultural context.

2021 ◽  
pp. e1-e8
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Pomeranz ◽  
Diana Silver ◽  
Sarah A. Lieff

Objectives. To assess state policy environments and the relationship between state gun-control, gun-rights, and preemptive firearm-related laws in the United States. Methods. In 2019 through 2020, we evaluated substantive firearm laws and preemptive firearm laws across 50 US states for 2009 through 2018. For each state, we compared substantive measures with preemptive measures on the same policy topic for 2018. Results. The presence of state firearm-related laws varied across states, but with the exception of “punitive preemption” the number of gun-control, gun-rights, and preemptive measures remained unchanged in most states from 2009 through 2018. As of 2018, a majority of states had preemptive measures on almost all gun-control policy topics without enacting substantive gun-control measures. Several states had a combination of gun-control and preemptive measures. Only a small number of states had gun-control measures with few to no preemptive measures. Conclusions. Even where state legislators were unable to pass statewide gun-rights measures, they succeeded in passing preemption, preserving state authority over a wide range of gun-control and gun-rights policy topics. The majority of states used preemption as a tool to support policy frameworks favoring gun rights. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print June 10, 2021: e1–e8. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306287 )


2021 ◽  
pp. 85-128
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Lacombe

This chapter employs the same American Rifleman editorials and gun control-related letters to explain how the National Rifle Association (NRA) has created a gun-centric political ideology, in which gun rights are central to a broader set of issue positions, and thus how gun rights became so closely related to contemporary conservatism in the United States. For many gun owners, gun rights stand at the center of a broader political ideology that embraces liberty, nationalism, limited government, and law and order. The chapter addresses the roots of this ideology and its relation to the gun owner identity by examining NRA's decades-long efforts to build an ideology around gun rights. Working in conjunction with its group identity, the NRA's ideology comprises the second stream of the gun-centric worldview it has used to advance gun rights. This group ideology increases the political unity of gun rights supporters — they are similar not just in their shared support for gun rights, but also along a broader range of issue positions and values. In connecting gun rights to other issues, the chapter unveils how ideology linked the gun owner identity to other politically relevant identities, strengthening each.


Author(s):  
Philip J. Cook ◽  
Kristin A. Goss

Is There a Uniquely American Gun Culture? Yes. We know of no other country where firearms are as plentiful and as inextricably linked to individual identity and popular values as they are in the United States. Citizens of other nations possess and use guns,...


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Dunning

Does being born in the United States affect pro-gun tendencies? Does having parents born in the United States affect pro-gun tendencies? This study proposes that being born in the United States, and having one, or both, parents born in the United States will increase pro-gun tendencies. Previous literature focuses on the importance of demographics associated with gun attitudes within the United States, but does not examine the potential relationship between the country itself and its gun culture. Using the gun control module from the 2006 General Social Survey (N = 1179), a pro-gun scale was created for the purpose of measuring pro-gun opinions. The correlation results show that those born in the United States score higher on the pro-gun scale than those born outside of the United States. However, the iterative regression shows this relationship is mediated by political views. The number of parents born in the United States does not have an effect on where the respondent lands on the pro-gun scale. The results support the notion that being born in the United States increases the likelihood of scoring higher on the pro-gun scale. It does not support the relationship between the number of parents born in the United States and the respondent’s views on gun regulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Chris Rasmussen

In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to confiscation of firearms. The NRA’s fight against gun control in Trenton revealed the organization’s enormous influence and signaled its emergence as one of the most effective political interest groups in the United States.


2021 ◽  
pp. 074823372110195
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Dehghani ◽  
Fariborz Omidi ◽  
Reza Ali Fallahzadeh ◽  
Bahman Pourhassan

The present work aimed to evaluate the health risks of occupational exposure to heavy metals in a steel casting unit of a steel plant. To determine occupational exposure to heavy metals, personal air samples were taken from the workers’ breathing zones using the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health method. Noncancer and cancer risks due to the measured metals were calculated according to the United States Environmental Protection Agency procedures. The results indicated that the noncancer risks owing to occupational exposure to lead (Pb) and manganese were higher than the recommended value in most of the workstations. The estimated cancer risk of Pb was also higher than the allowable value. Moreover, the results of sensitivity analysis indicated that the concentration, inhalation rate, and exposure duration were the most influencing variables contributing to the calculated risks. It was thus concluded that the present control measures were not adequate and further improvements were required for reducing the exposure levels.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlette Vila ◽  
Elizabeth C Pomeroy

Abstract The purpose of the study was to explore the effects of violence on trauma among forced-immigrant women from the northern triangle of Central America (NTCA) resulting from direct and indirect violence in their country of origin and during the migratory journey through Mexico. In trauma theory the concept of compounding stressors is an important framework for understanding aspects of human development, especially among low-socioeconomic-status and oppressed populations. Authors hypothesized that violence would have an impact on trauma and conducted interviews with 108 women ages 18 to 65 from the NTCA who traveled by land across Mexico before entering the United States. A survey instrument captured demographic information and types of violence experienced in the home country and during the migratory journey. A standardized screening tool was used to measure trauma symptoms. A hierarchical regression model for trauma was entered in the following order: (a) demographics and (b) violence. Violence was found to be a significant predictor for trauma. Findings suggest that having experienced violence in the country of origin and through the migratory journey had a powerful role in predicting trauma symptoms among immigrant women from the NTCA.


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