China in Latin America: South-South Cooperation with Chinese Characteristics

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier A. Vadell
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Chinese Model ◽  
Chinese Characteristics ◽  
America South ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Development Analysis

The central questions for a critical analysis of the economic relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean countries since the beginning of the twenty-first century are how to interpret the changes in them since the end of the commodities boom and whether they have resulted in the emulation in these countries of the Chinese model of development. Analysis suggests that, although the Chinese presence was welcome during the turbulence of the 2001 economic crisis, relations with China are becoming increasingly complex and reflect the political and economic principles of South-South cooperation. Las preguntas centrales para un análisis crítico de las relaciones económicas entre China y los países de América Latina y el Caribe desde principios del siglo XXI son cómo interpretar los cambios en ellos desde el final del auge de los productos básicos y si han resultado en la emulación en estos países del modelo de desarrollo chino. El análisis sugiere que, aunque la presencia china fue bienvenida durante la turbulencia de la crisis económica de 2001, las relaciones con China son cada vez más complejas y reflejan los principios políticos y económicos de la cooperación Sur-Sur.

Globalization, Governance, and the Emergence of Indigenous Autonomy Movements in Latin America: The Case of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-52
Author(s):  
Luciano Baracco
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Caribbean Coast ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Autonomy Movements ◽  
America Latina

A revisiting of Salvador Martí i Puig’s approach to globalization and the turn toward governance in explaining the roots and impact of the political mobilization of Latin America’s indigenous peoples since the 1990s recasts governance as a disciplinary regime that in the case of Nicaragua co-opted potentially radical oppositional movements into the neoliberal project that accompanied Latin America’s democratic transition. The discussion takes as its empirical case the autonomy process on Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast, which in its twenty-fifth year represents the most sustained devolution of power to indigenous peoples in Latin America. Una revisión de los estudios de Salvador Martí i de Puig sobre la globalización y el giro hacia la gobernanza como manera de explicar las raíces y el impacto de la movilización política de los pueblos indígenas de América Latina desde la década de 1990 reformula la gobernanza como un régimen disciplinario que, en el caso de Nicaragua, cooptó movimientos potencialmente radicales, convirtiéndolos en parte del proyecto neoliberal que se llevó a cabo a la par de la transición democrática de América Latina. Nuestra discusión se centra en un caso empírico: el proceso de autonomía en la costa caribeña nicaragüense. En su vigésimo quinto año, dicho proceso constituye la devolución de autonomía indígena más sostenida en América Latina.

Romancing the Stone: Academe’s Illusive Template for African Diaspora Studies

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-39
Author(s):  
Melina Pappademos
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
African Diaspora ◽  
Graduate School ◽  
Diaspora Studies ◽  
North Americans ◽  
History Of ◽  
America South ◽  
Research Plan ◽  
The Caribbean

I began graduate school in 1994 to study the history of American peoples of African descent; I saw important similarities between their cultures and their resistance struggles and sought to develop a comparative project. However, as I began casting my long term research plan— which was to compare Afro-Cubans and Afro-North Americans—I discovered and uncovered many stumbling blocks. The primary one was that academe grouped African descended people by their European and colonially derived relationships (ex: North America, Latin America, South America, and the Caribbean) and not by their Black derived positions. I may have been naive but this seemed problematic to me.

scholarly journals Importancia de la educación ambiental en la gestión del riesgo socio-natural en cinco países de América Latina y el Caribe

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Martha Melizza Ordóñez-Díaz ◽  
Luisa María Montes-Arias ◽  
Giovanna Del Pilar Garzón-Cortes
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Education ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Natural Phenomena ◽  
Legislative Organization ◽  
Natural Risk ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Post Disaster

Considering environmental education as a social tool allowing individuals to achieve a significant knowledge of the inhabited environment, to reduce the probability of occurrence of a disaster, and to respond to the presence of natural phenomena to which people are vulnerable, this article aims to generate a space for reflection on the importance of environmental education in the management of the social and natural risk in five countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. For this purpose, the paper presents a descriptive review of primary and secondary bibliographical sources referring to the performance of the management of social and natural risks related to environmental education in Colombia, Nicaragua, Mexico, Chile, and Jamaica between 1994 and 2015. In this period, a solid administrative and legislative organization of this management and environmental education is evident, but these two themes are clearly separated when implementing citizen projects: a situation that has generated shortcomings in the management of natural disasters, specifically under the principles of precaution and prevention. For this reason, this article offers a series of recommendations that include the dissemination of information, the creation of centers for the management of risk reduction, the strengthening of communication strategies, and the establishment of response plans and post-disaster recovery. 

scholarly journals Las diferencias en las calificaciones entre estudiantes primarios según la situación de pobreza de cada cual: Análisis de descomposición para 17 países de América Latina y del Caribe

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Jorge Augusto Paz
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Sixth Grade ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Rights Of The Child ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
Relevant Variables ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Many

This paper describes one of the ways in which poverty and economic inequality is reproduced in Latin America. This study analyzed certain mechanisms of educational social exclusion among children attending the sixth grade of the primary education in 17 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. The study shows the intergenerational transmission of poverty and inequality through education is one of the mechanisms that slow convergence towards decent living standards, while uncovering one of the many processes of the violation of rights of children contemplated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. On the other hand, this study seeks to identify relevant variables to enumerate public policy actions, such as Conditional Transfer Programs aimed at breaking the cycle of–or reducing the intensity of–the reproduction of the poverty and the inequality. To this end, the conditioning opportunities are distinguished (called "endowments") from those that operate independently, so that identical opportunities generate different results.

scholarly journals A APLICAÇÃO DO CONCEITO DE POPULISMO À AMÉRICA LATINA: pela necessidade de classificar, e não desqualificar

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socioeconomic Conditions ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
The Past ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Subject ◽  
America Latina

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.

scholarly journals As incursões da China na América Latina e Atlântico Sul/China’s incursions in Latin America and the South Atlantic

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-123
Author(s):  
Paulo Duarte
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
South Atlantic ◽  
Silk Road ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
The South ◽  
America South ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
America Latina

Resumo: Este artigo visa contribuir para aumentar o conhecimento sobre a importância da América Latina e do Atlântico Sul no quadro da Nova Rota da Seda da China. O principal argumento reside no fato de existirem vários interesses logísticos, econômicos, bem como securitários, que explicam o interesse de Pequim nestas duas regiões, menos estudadas em comparação com outras áreas onde a Nova Rota da Seda chinesa é mais ativa. O método qualitativo, através da análise hermenêutica, é a metodologia em que se assenta a presente investigação. A partir da análise desenvolvida, são elaboradas algumas críticas e sugestões geoestratégicas ao Governo chinês, a fim de explorar melhor as oportunidades e benefícios que o Atlântico Sul pode apresentar para a Nova Rota da Seda chinesa, inspirados pela crença de que o século XXI não será necessariamente um ‘século Pacífico’, pode muito bem ser Atlântico. Quanto à América Latina, considera-se pertinente a busca da China por ampliar seu soft power e transparência a fim de evitar ou mitigar suspeitas sobre alguns dos seus projetos na região. Palavras-chave: China, Nova Rota da Seda, América Latina, Atlântico Sul. Abstract: This paper aims to contribute to increase knowledge about the importance of Latin America and the South Atlantic within the framework of China’s New Silk Road. The central argument is that there are several logistic, economic, as well as security interests which explain Beijing’s interests in these two regions, less studied in comparison to other areas where China’s New Silk Road is more active. The qualitative method, through the hermeneutic analysis, is the methodology supporting this investigation. In the end, we address several geostrategic recommendations to the Chinese Government, in order to better exploit the opportunities and benefits that the South Atlantic may present to China’s New Silk Road, inspired by the belief that the 21st century will not necessarily be a ‘Pacific century’, it may well be an Atlantic one. As for Latin America, we strongly recommend that China improves its soft power and transparency in order to avoid or mitigate suspicion about some of its projects in the region.Keywords: China, New Silk Road, Latin America, South Atlantic.

Doctor or Monster? The Pink Tide and Its Aftermath

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110613
Author(s):  
Fabio Luis Barbosa dos Santos ◽  
Daniel Feldmann
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
First Century ◽  
Social Tensions ◽  
Social Dynamic ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Structure Of Production

The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea “out of place.” Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.

Social, Political, and Environmental Impacts in Latin America

2018 ◽  
pp. 284-318
Author(s):  
Rhys Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Impacts ◽  
Economic Impacts ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Caribbean

Rather less has been written about the social, political, and environmental impacts of China on Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) than the economic impacts. In terms of social impacts, the chapter considers the effects in terms of both employment and the way in which Chinese companies in the extractive industries have affected local communities. In LAC, discussion of the political implications have mainly focussed on whether or not China’s growing presence represents a threat to US interests in the region, but there is no evidence that China is exercising undue political influence in the region as the case studies of Brazil and Venezuela illustrate. There is little systematic evidence concerning the environmental impacts, although the case of soybeans illustrates the potential negative consequences of growing demand from China.

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