The Neodevelopmentalist Front and Mercosur under the PT Governments: The Rise and Fall of Multidimensional Regionalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110293
Author(s):  
Tatiana Berringer

An analysis of the relationship between classes and class fractions and Mercosur under the PT (Workers’ Party) governments suggests that the transition from the open regionalism of the 1990s to the multidimensional regionalism of the 2000s and the crisis of the latter were linked to the overlap between the regional integration mechanisms Unasur and Mercosur and the social base of the neodevelopmentalist front. Multidimensional regionalism went into crisis after 2012, when the country began to suffer the impact of the 2008 financial crisis and changes in international politics and when the political process that culminated in the 2016 coup began. Uma análise da relação entre as classes e frações de classe e o Mercosul dos governos PT sugere que a transição do regionalismo aberto dos anos 1990 para o regionalismo multidimensional dos anos 2000 e a crise deste últimoestão ligados à imbricação entre os processos de integração regional, Unasur e Mercosur, e a base social da frente neodesenvolvimentista. O regionalismo multidimensional entrou em crise a partir de 2012 quando o país começou a sofrer mais o impacto da crise financeira de 2008 e das transformações na política internacional e iniciou-se o processo político que culminou no golpe de 2016.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
SANJEEV KUMAR ◽  
JASPREET KAUR ◽  
MOSAB I. TABASH ◽  
DANG K. TRAN ◽  
RAJ S DHANKAR

This study attempts to examine the response of stock markets amid the COVID-19 pandemic on prominent stock markets of the BRICS nation and compare it with the 2008 financial crisis by employing the GARCH and EGARCH model. First, average and variance of stock returns are tested for differences before and after the pandemic, t-test and F-test were applied. Further, OLS regression was applied to study the impact of COVID-19 on the standard deviation of returns using daily data of total cases, total deaths, and returns of the indices from the date on which the first case was reported till June 2020. Second, GARCH and EGARCH models are employed to compare the impact of COVID-19 and the 2008 financial crisis on the stock market volatility by using the data of respective stock indices for the period 2005–2020. The results suggest that the increasing number of COVID-19 cases and reported death cases hurt stock markets of the five countries except for South Africa in the latter case. The findings of the GARCH and EGARCH model indicate that for India and Russia, the financial crisis of 2008 has caused more stock volatility whereas stock markets of China, Brazil, and South Africa have been more volatile during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study has practical implications for investors, portfolio managers, institutional investors, regulatory institutions, and policymakers as it provides an understanding of stock market behavior in response to a major global crisis and helps them in taking decisions considering the risk of these events.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 178-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Garrido-Cumbrera ◽  
Jorge Chacón-García

The financial crisis of 2008 has had a greater effect on people with disabilities than on those without disabilities in Spain. In recent years, the number of persons with disabilities registered as part of the labor force and having a higher educational level has increased. However, the unemployment rate among people with disabilities has grown at a faster pace, especially for women and young people. A similar situation has occurred with respect to the annual gross average wage; the gap between those with and without disabilities has increased in the years following the crisis. The present study reveals that Spanish public policies aimed at improving levels of employment for people with disabilities have not achieved the expected results. Here, we explore the possible causes and compare the results with those obtained in the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Nadia Cheikh Rouhou ◽  
Fatma Wyème Ben Mrad Douagi ◽  
Khaled Hussainey ◽  
Ahmad Alqatan

The aim of this study is to investigate context, the impact of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) on the Key Performance Indicators’ (KPIs) disclosure quality in the United Kingdom (UK). We used the UK listed firms FTSE 350 in the stock exchange market during the pre-IFRS period and the post-IFRS period (2003 to 2004, and 2006 to 2013). In particular, we examine special events such as the emergence of the 2006 UK Accounting Standard Body (ASB) Guidelines for KPIs best practice, the 2010 IFRS Management Commentary, and the phenomenon of the 2008 financial crisis. The results of this paper show that the UK’s mandatory adoption of IFRS has had a positive and significant effect on the KPIs’ disclosure quality. The results demonstrate, also, that together with the emergence of the 2006 UK ASB Guidelines, the 2008 financial crisis, and the 2010 IFRS Management Commentary have had a positive and significant influence on the quantity and quality of the KPIs’ disclosure.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

This chapter examines the impact of the economic and cultural cleavages on Europeans’ voting choices over time. There is a strong and persisting influence of the economic cleavage on voting choices with little change after the 2008 financial crisis. There is also a growing importance of the cultural cleavage. In recent elections, the cultural cleavage outweighs the influence on the economic cleavage. The polarization of party positions on the cultural cleavage increases the influence of this cleavage, but the same pattern is not apparent for the economic cleavage. The salience of each cleavage also affects its weight in voting decisions. European voters and parties have realigned their positions so that both cleavages are now important for electoral choice. The analyses are based on the European Election Studies in 1979, 2009, and 2014.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Greener

‘Choice’ and ‘voice’ are two of the most significant means through which the public are able to participate in public services. Choice agendas position public service users as consumers, driving improvements by choosing good providers over bad, which then thrive through greater allocations of funds as money follows their selections (Le Grand, 2007). Choice-driven reforms tend to be about trying to make public services more locally responsive (Ferlie, Freeman, McDonnell, Petsoulas and Rundle-Smith, 2006). Voice-driven reforms, on the other hand, tend to position public service users as citizens, suggesting an emphasis on accountability mechanisms to drive service improvements through elections, with the possible removal of low regarded officials, or a greater involvement of local people in the running of services (Jenkins, 2006). Voice implies that citizens hold the right to participate in public services either through the political process, or through their direct involvement in the running or delivery of the services themselves. Of course, it is also possible to combine choice and voice mechanisms to try and achieve greater service responsiveness and accountability. In this review, choice reforms will be treated as those which are based upon consumer literature, and voice reforms those based upon attempting to achieve greater citizenship.Citizenship and consumption are two areas with significant literatures in their own right, but whereas the citizenship literature is widely cited in the social policy literature, the consumption literature appears rather more selectively. This review examines each area in turn in terms of its application to social policy, and then presents a synthesis of commonalties in the two literatures, which represent particularly promising avenues for exploring the relationship between public services and their users.


Arts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Linli Li

This paper focuses on a type of worldwide art investment vehicle in an unexplored yet significant area: the Chinese art fund. It seeks to understand why art funds exploded in China after the 2008 financial crisis and how they have developed new features in the Chinese context. Further, it discusses the relationship between Chinese art funds and the Chinese art world. While these two groups tend to be what sociologists call “hostile worlds” in the West, my study shows that actors in the Chinese art world tend to take a pragmatic attitude toward capital. Thus, art funds face fewer social limitations in the Chinese art world than their Western counterparts. However, Chinese art funds face limitations in terms of accessibility, credibility, and liquidity. These limitations have been caused mainly by a series of regulations launched since 2013, which has primarily resulted in a decline of art funds in China.


Author(s):  
Enrique Cañas Kirby

ResumenLos movimientos de protesta estudiantil en la historia de Chile del siglo XX configuran un tipo de acción colectiva que tienen como patrón común un grado específico de influencia y agregación de otros actores sociales en momentos críticos del proceso político. Este artículo pretende averiguar el impacto que tuvo en Chile el movimiento 2011 sobre las estructuras formales de poder en el sistema político. Se han levantado teorías sociales acerca de este fenómeno que refieren a formas de participación y representación política que tienden a distanciarse de los asuntos cívicos. Chile no es un caso aislado en este respecto. Para saberlo, es necesario conocer las coordenadas sobre las cuales transcurrió la cuestión social en 2011, sus precedentes y proyecciones.Palabras clave: Movimientos sociales, representación política, teoría política, historia de ChileStudent movement in Chile 2011: Causes and characteristicsAbstractThe student protest movements in the history of Chile in the Twentieth Century formed a kind of collective action having in common a specific degree of influence and aggregation of other social actors in critical moments of the political process. This article aims to determine the impact of the 2011 movement in Chile on the formal structures of power in the political system. Social theories have been raised about this phenomenon referring to forms of political participation and representation that tend to get apart from civic affairs. Chile is not an isolated case in this regard. To find out, it is necessary to know the coordinates on which the social question occurred in 2011, its precedents and projections.Keywords: Social movements, political representation, political theory, history of ChileMovimento estudantil no Chile 2011: Causas e característicasResumoOs movimentos de protesto estudantis na história do Chile século XX configuramse como uma espécie de ação coletiva que tem como padrão em comum um determinado grau de influência e agregação de outros atores sociais em momentos críticos do processo político. Este artigo pretende indagar no impacto do movimento de 2011 no Chile, sobre as estruturas formais de poder no sistema político. Têm sido levantadas teorias sociais sobre este fenómeno referindose a formas de participação e representação política que tendem adistanciarse dos assuntos cívicos. Chile não é um caso isolado a este respeito.Para conhecêlo, é preciso saber as coordenadas sobre as quais transcorreu a questão social em 2011, seus antecedentes e projeções.Palavras-chave: Movimentos sociais, representação política, teoria política, história do Chile. 


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