Counterhegemonic Mobilization and the Popularity of Backlash in Jujuy, Argentina

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110457
Author(s):  
Marcos Emilio Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Neighborhood Organization ◽  
Strategic Assets ◽  
National Profile ◽  
Sobre Todo ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The dismantling of the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization in Jujuy, Argentina, a major provider of jobs and services, generated limited resistance even among people who had benefited from it. Exploration of the role of counterhegemonic challenges in this process through ethnographic fieldwork, interviews with activists and scholars, newspaper archives, and social movement materials shows that the organization purposefully increased the visibility of stigmatized segments of Jujuy society, defying official narratives about the province. This strategy allowed the organization to recruit members and raise its national profile but also engendered the unified opposition of local elites, which used their control of strategic assets to turn public opinion against activists, portraying them as violent, corrupt, and above all foreign. El desmantelamiento de la Organización vecinal Túpac Amaru en Jujuy, Argentina, un importante proveedor de empleos y servicios, generó una resistencia limitada incluso entre las personas que se habían beneficiado de ella. Una exploración de trabajo de campo etnográfico en torno al papel que jugaron los desafíos contrahegemónicos en este proceso, así como entrevistas con activistas y académicos, y consulta de materiales hemerotécnicos y de movimientos sociales muestra que la organización aumentó deliberadamente la visibilidad de segmentos estigmatizados de la sociedad jujeña, desafiando las narrativas oficiales sobre la provincia. Esta estrategia permitió a la organización reclutar miembros y elevar su perfil nacional, pero también engendró la oposición unificada de las élites locales, que utilizaron su control de activos estratégicos para volver a la opinión pública en contra de los activistas, presentándolos como violentos, corruptos y, sobre todo, foráneos.

Reconsidering Social Movement Unionism in Postcrisis Argentina

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayşe Serdar
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Industrial Sector ◽  
Social Movement Unionism ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Structural Weakness ◽  
Sobre Todo ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

The Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina, established in 1992, worked to expand its base, especially among nonunion organizations, to construct an anti-neoliberal front. Driven by the threat of neoliberalism rather than by political opportunities, it was initially outstanding among social movement unions in its reach and its unity. It excelled not only in building alliances with the community but in organizing the community itself. However, the structural weakness resulting from its not being located in a key industrial sector and its lack of legal privileges, which was originally compensated for by its alliances, eventually made it unable to take advantage of changing political opportunities.La Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina, fundada en 1992, trabajó para ampliar su base, sobre todo entre las organizaciones no sindicales, para construir un frente anti-neoliberal. Impulsada por la amenaza del neoliberalismo más que por las oportunidades políticas, inicialmente se destacaba entre los sindicatos de los movimientos sociales en su alcance y su unidad. Se destacó no sólo en la construcción de alianzas con la comunidad, sino en la organización de la propia comunidad. Sin embargo, la debilidad structural que resulta de su no estar ubicado en un sector industrial clave y su falta de privilegios legales, lo que se compensó originalmente por sus alianzas, finalmente lo hizo incapaz de aprovechar de las cambiantes oportunidades políticas.

Experience of Ethnographic Fieldwork in an English Benedictine Monastery

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Irvine
Keyword(s):  
Social World ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Fieldwork Experience ◽  
The Social ◽  
Peripheral Participation

What is the role of imitation in ethnographic fieldwork, and what are its limits? This article explores what it means to participate in a particular fieldsite; a Catholic English Benedictine monastery. A discussion of the importance of hospitality in the life of the monastery shows how the guest becomes a point of contact between the community and the wider society within which that community exists. The peripheral participation of the ethnographer as monastic guest is not about becoming incorporated, but about creating a space within which knowledge can be communicated. By focusing on the process of re-learning in the monastery – in particular, relearning how to experience silence and work – I discuss some of the ways in which the fieldwork experience helped me to reassess the social world to which I would return.

Public Opinion on the Web: The Arab Listeners of the BBC

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haidar Moukdad
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Discussion Forum ◽  
The Web

Sample contributions by Arab contributors to a discussion forum were analyzed to study the role of the Web in promoting free speech and demystifying long held views of Arab public opinion. The findings of the study highlight the importance of the role played by the Web in promoting free speech among traditionally repressed populations, and provide insights that will help in correcting misconceptions about Arab public opinion.Un échantillonnage d’interventions par des participants arabes à un forum de discussion a été analysé afin d’étudier le rôle du Web dans le développement de la liberté de parole et la démystification des préjugés concernant l’opinion publique arabe. Les résultats de l’étude mettent en lumière l’importance du rôle joué par le Web dans le développement de la liberté de parole parmi les populations traditionnellement réprimées et offrent des idées qui aideront à corriger les idées préconçues concernant l’opinion publique arabe. 

Сирия (аш-Шам) в системе османских владений (XVI – начало XX в.)

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Mechanisms ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Face ◽  
High Level ◽  
The 19Th Century

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis L. F Lee ◽  
Joseph M Chan
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Media System ◽  
System P ◽  
Connective Action ◽  
Integrated Media ◽  
Media And Communication ◽  
The Ideal

Chapter 1 introduces the background of the Umbrella Movement, a protest movement that took hold in Hong Kong in 2014, and outlines the theoretical principles underlying the analysis of the role of media and communication in the occupation campaign. It explicates how the Umbrella Movement is similar to but also different from the ideal-typical networked social movement and crowd-enabled connective action. It explains why the Umbrella Movement should be seen as a case in which the logic of connective action intervenes into a planned collective action. It also introduces the notion of conditioned contingencies and the conceptualization of an integrated media system.

Transition Times in Memory

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Massimiliano Andretta ◽  
Tiago Fernandes ◽  
Eduardo Romanos ◽  
Markos Vogiatzoglou
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Organizational Models ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Transition Times ◽  
Movement Participation

The second chapter covers the main characteristics of transition time in the four countries: Italy, Greece, Spain, and Portugal. After developing the theoretical model on paths of transition, with a focus on social movement participation, the chapter looks at social movements and protest events as turning points during transition, covering in particular the specific movement actors, their organizational models, and their repertoires of action and frames. The chapter focuses on two dimensions: the role of mobilization in the transition period, which implies the analysis of how elites and masses interact, ally, or fight with each other in the process, and the outcome of transitions as continuity versus rupture of the democratic regime vis-à-vis the old one. It concludes by elaborating some hypotheses on how different modes of transition may produce different types and uses of (transition) memories.

Abolitionism and the Social Conscience

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. M. Ditchfield
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Triangular Trade ◽  
Reform Needs

Explanations of the abolition of the slave trade have been the subject of intense historical debate. Earlier accounts tended to play up the role of individual, heroic abolitionists and their religious, particularly evangelical, motivation. Eric Williams argued that the decline in profitability of the ‘Triangular trade’ was important in persuading people that the slave trade hindered, rather than helped, economic progress. More recent work has rehabilitated the role of some abolitionists but has set this alongside the importance of campaigning and petitioning in shifting public opinion. The role that the slaves themselves played in bringing attention to their plight is also now recognized. Consequently, the importance of abolitionism for a sense of Dissenting self-identity and as part of broader attempts to influence social reform needs to be reconsidered.

Euroscepticism and the Future of European Integration

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Public Preferences ◽  
Novel Theory ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.

scholarly journals Negativity and Political Behavior: A Theoretical Framework for the Analysis of Negative Voting in Contemporary Democracies

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110001
Author(s):  
Diego Garzia ◽  
Frederico Ferreira da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Affective Component ◽  
Parliamentary Systems ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Rational Component

Recent developments in Western societies have motivated a growing consideration of the role of negativity in public opinion and political behavior research. In this article, we review the scant (and largely disconnected) scientific literature on negativity and political behavior, merging contributions from social psychology, public opinion, and electoral research, with a view on developing an integrated theoretical framework for the study of negative voting in contemporary democracies. We highlight that the tendency toward negative voting is driven by three partly overlapping components, namely, (1) an instrumental–rational component characterized by retrospective performance evaluations and rationalization mechanisms, (2) an ideological component grounded on long-lasting political identities, and (3) an affective component, motivated by (negative) attitudes toward parties and candidates. By blueprinting the systematic relationships between negative voting and each of these components in turn, and suggesting multiple research paths, this article aims to stimulate future studies on negative voting in multi-party parliamentary systems to motivate a better understanding of the implications of negativity in voting behavior in contemporary democracies.

Deep Structured Learning for Natural Language Processing

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Yong Li ◽  
Xiaojun Yang ◽  
Min Zuo ◽  
Qingyu Jin ◽  
Haisheng Li ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Food Safety ◽  
Language Processing ◽  
Early Warning ◽  
Conditional Random Field ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Related Sequence ◽  
The Public ◽  
Network Public Opinion

The real-time and dissemination characteristics of network information make net-mediated public opinion become more and more important food safety early warning resources, but the data of petabyte (PB) scale growth also bring great difficulties to the research and judgment of network public opinion, especially how to extract the event role of network public opinion from these data and analyze the sentiment tendency of public opinion comment. First, this article takes the public opinion of food safety network as the research point, and a BLSTM-CRF model for automatically marking the role of event is proposed by combining BLSTM and conditional random field organically. Second, the Attention mechanism based on vocabulary in the field of food safety is introduced, the distance-related sequence semantic features are extracted by BLSTM, and the emotional classification of sequence semantic features is realized by using CNN. A kind of Att-BLSTM-CNN model for the analysis of public opinion and emotional tendency in the field of food safety is proposed. Finally, based on the time series, this article combines the role extraction of food safety events and the analysis of emotional tendency and constructs a net-mediated public opinion early warning model in the field of food safety according to the heat of the event and the emotional intensity of the public to food safety public opinion events.

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