Populism and Public Administration: Confronting the Administrative State

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (10) ◽  
pp. 1521-1545 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters ◽  
Jon Pierre

Populism has been perhaps the most popular explanation for the difficulties that have been besetting contemporary governments. But despite the intense interest in populism as a political phenomenon, very little has been written assessing the implications for governance and even less on the implications for public administration. Focusing on the United States, but adding some comparative analysis, this article examines the implications of populist politics for public administration and the role of the bureaucracy in governance.

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony King

III THE PATTERN EXPLAINED In part I of this paper we described the gross pattern of public policy in our five countries. In part II we looked at how the pattern developed in each of the countries. We noticed that the countries have pursued policies that diverge widely, at least with respect to the size of the direct operating role of the State in the provision of public services. We also noticed that the United States differs from the four other countries far more than they do from each other. These findings will not have come as a great surprise to anybody, although some readers may have been surprised – in view of the common assumption that all major western countries are ‘welfare states’ – to discover just how much the countries differ and what different histories they have had.


Author(s):  
Sarah Feldman

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a produção recente no campo da história da legislação urbanística no Brasil, procurando detectar avanços e limites para a reflexão sobre desenvolvimento urbano e práticas urbanísticas. O texto organiza-se em três eixos analíticos. Em primeiro lugar, procura-se situar os trabalhos no processo de disseminação de estudos da história urbana no Brasil, vinculando-os ao movimento de ampliação do território da história que ocorre na Europa e nos Estados Unidos, a partir dos anos 60, com a chamada História Nova. Em segundo, baseado em um panorama da produção recente, são detectadas as vertentes dominantes e emergentes nos trabalhos sobre legislação. Em terceiro, são discutidos dois aspectos que se configuram como lacunas na historiografia da legislação: o lugar ocupado pelas normas, a partir do momento em que idéias e práticas urbanísticas têm um espaço institucionalizado na administração pública; e o lugar dos pressupostos modernistas na legislação brasileira, visto que o movimento modernista formula a proposta de um novo sistema legal para o urbanismo.Palavras-chave: legislação urbanística; história; movimento moderno. Abstract: This paper analyses recent developments in the history of Brazilian urban legislation, pointing out the progress made and limits faced, as a basis for reflection in the debate on urban development and planning practice. The analysis is divided into three parts. The first relates the dissemination of urban historical research in Brazil to the expansion of the field of history which began in the 1960s with the "New History" movement in Europe and the United States. The second part sets out the dominant and emerging approaches to urban legislation. Finally, there is a discussion of two aspects that are seen as gaps in the history of urban legislation: the role of norms, as the ideas and practices of urban planning become institutionalised within public administration, and the influences of modernist ideas on Brazilian urban legislation, taking into account that the modern movement proposes a new legal system for urban planning.Keywords: urban legislation; history; modernist movement.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Broxmeyer

Donald Trump’s presidency represents a “patrimonial turn” in the American state. The trend is departure from modern experience, particularly the fusion of personal business and officeholding functions. Yet, governance by family and friends has deep historical roots. The nineteenth-century spoils system mixed public administration with party and personal business in a way that rhymes with recent developments. The Long Reagan Coalition’s project to deconstruct the administrative state has reopened the door to sweeping bureaucratic experimentation by political entrepreneurs like Trump and his appointees. Today, patrimonialism has emerged as a management vehicle to solve problems of collective action, binding together an unstable, and otherwise unlikely, political alliance. Debates on de-democratization in the United States would be well served by examining the implantation of patrimonialism in historical and comparative perspective.


2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Russell L. Weaver ◽  
Linda D. Jellum

This article examines the role of administrative adjudication in the United States constitutional system. It begins by noting that such adjudication fits uncomfortably within a system of divided powers. Administrative judges, including administrative law judges [ALJs] (who have the highest level of protection and status), are considerably more circumscribed than ordinary Article III judges. Indeed, administrative judges are usually housed in the agencies for which they decide cases, rather than in independent adjudicative bodies, and they do not always have the final say regarding the cases they decide. In many instances, the agency can appeal an adverse administrative judge’s decision directly to the head of the agency, and the agency head retains broad power to overrule the administrative judge’s determinations. In other words, the agency can substitute its judgment for that of the administrative judge regarding factual determinations, legal determinations, and policy choices. As a result, many administrative adjudicative structures involve difficult tradeoffs between independence, political control, and accountability. This article examines issues related to the status and power of administrative judges, as well as the constraints that have been imposed on administrative adjudicative authority, and explores whether those constraints continue to serve the purposes for which they were originally imposed.Cet article examine le rôle du règlement de différends dans le domaine administratif dans le cadre du système constitutionnel des États-Unis. Il note d’abord qu’une telle façon de régler les différends cadre difficilement avec un système où les pouvoirs sont divisés. Les juges administratifs, y inclus les juges de droit administratif (qui jouissent du niveau le plus élevé de protection et de statut), sont considérablement plus restreints que les juges ordinaires sous l’Article III. En effet, les juges administratifs sont d’habitude logés dans les agences pour lesquelles ils décident les cas, plutôt qu’au sein d’organismes indépendants de règlement de différends, et ils n’ont pas toujours le dernier mot dans les cas qu’ils jugent. Dans bien des cas, l’agence peut porter en appel directement au chef de l’agence une décision défavorable d’un juge administratif, et le chef de l’agence possède de vastes pouvoirs pour annuler la décision du juge administratif. En d’autres mots, l’agence peut substituer son jugement à celui du juge administratif quant aux décisions de fait, aux décisions de droit et aux choix de politiques. Par conséquent, plusieurs structures de règlement de différends dans le domaine administratif comportent des compromis difficiles entre l’indépendance, le contrôle politique et l’obligation de rendre compte. Cet article examine des questions se rapportant au statut et au pouvoir de juges administratifs, ainsi qu’aux contraintes qui ont été imposées sur l’autorité de régler des différends dans le domaine administratif, et explore la question à savoir si ces contraintes continuent à servir les buts pour lesquels elles ont été imposées originellement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 113-120
Author(s):  
Mukhammadolim Mukhammadsidiqov ◽  
Abrar Turaev

This article analyzes the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of national security paradigms in the United States and reveals the impact of views and ideas put forward by U.S. neoconservatives on the formation of public administration, especially security goals in domestic and foreign policy. In particular, the role of Albert Walstetter, a well-known proponent of neoconservative views, in the formation of security concepts is discussed. The role of political philosopher Leo Strauss’s political-philosophical and military-strategic approaches in the development of neoconservative ideology and the conceptual basis of modern security problems are theoretically analyzed. It is emphasized that the assessment of the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of security policy in the development of political processes related to public administration in the United States depends on understanding the content of formed neoconservative security concepts. Based on the predominance of national interests based on national security approaches in the ideology of neoconservatism, the influence of neoconservatism on the interpretation of international relations as a highly conflicted, the anarchic environment is revealed in the formation of the neoconservative paradigm of security. In the following periods, the implementation of Albert Walstetter and Leo Strauss’s military-strategic ideas under the influence of neoconservatives in the US administration, in particular, the practice of proposing to continue the foreign policy course on the use of military force as a factor of national security.


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