Chinese Student and Labor Migration to the United States: Trends and Policies since the 1980s

2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dudley L. Poston ◽  
Hua Luo

This paper analyzes recent patterns of Chinese immigration to the United States. We mainly compare the migration trends of students and laborers. Foreign students enter the U.S. usually as temporary immigrants with F1 or M1 visas, thus they are easily distinguished from permanent immigrants. Labor immigrants come to the U.S. in either a permanent or temporary status. We examine and compare the trends of these groups of Chinese immigrants for the 23-year period of 1980 to 2002 and evaluate the degree to which U.S. immigration laws have influenced the trends.

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Stephanie Pedron

This paper examines historic federal immigration policies that demonstrate how the United States has rendered entire groups of people living inside and outside of its territory as outsiders. Collective representations like the Statue of Liberty suggest that the U.S. is a nation that welcomes all immigrants, when in reality, the U.S. has historically functioned as a “gatekeeper” that excludes specific groups of people at different times. The concurrent existence of disparate beliefs within a society’s collective consciousness influences the public’s views toward citizenship and results in policy outcomes that contrast sharply from the ideal values that many collective representations signify. As restrictive immigration controls are refined, insight into how immigrant exclusion via federal policy has evolved is necessary to minimize future legislative consequences that have the potential to ostracize current and future Americans.


Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

The third chapter is a western tale of national and global import. That tale, which sutures the split between the history of incarceration within the United States and the history of deportation from the United States, swirls around the passage of the 1892 Geary Act, a federal law that required all Chinese laborers in the United States to prove their legal residence and register with the federal government or be subject to up to one year of imprisonment at hard labor and, then, deportation. Chinese immigrants rebelled against the new law, refusing to be locked out, kicked out, or singled out for imprisonment. Launching the first mass civil disobedience campaign for immigrant rights in the history of the United States, Chinese immigrants forced the U.S. Supreme Court to issue a set of sweeping and enduring decisions regarding the future of U.S. immigration control. Buried in those decisions, which cut through Los Angeles during the summer of 1893, lay the invention of immigrant detention as a nonpunitive form of caging noncitizens within the United States. It was then an obscure and contested practice of indisputably racist origins. It is now one of the most dynamic sectors of the U.S. carceral landscape.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Craig Budden ◽  
Heather Lynn Budden

The number of international students coming to the United States has fallen during the past two years.  Still, many come.  They seek an education that may be unavailable at home or just an opportunity to study in a foreign environment.  Upon graduation, many return home with subject matter knowledge gleaned in the classroom but no real understanding of Americans or America.  Those lacking assimilation and acceptance among US students return to their homelands shortchanged and in some ways, less prepared than they should be to deal in a multi-cultural environment.  International students need to be assimilated in such a manner as to enrich their understanding of the United States and to broaden their horizons. Too, assimilation may lead to an increase in the numbers of foreign students seeking an education in the U.S.  In a similar vein, U.S. students can enrich their knowledge and understanding of foreign cultures through close interaction with foreign students.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald

U.S. policies toward Cubans have oscillated between periods of welcome and restriction embedded in an overall trajectory of restriction. The biggest difference between the treatment of Haitian and Cubans was that only Cubans seeking protection were granted realistic legal paths to enter the United States through visa waivers for air passengers, relaxation of enforcement of immigration laws, more robust asylum screening on the high seas, and in-country processing programs for dissidents and other programs guaranteeing slots in the immigration stream. The favorable treatment of Cubans shows that even tens of thousands of asylum seekers arriving over the course of a few months did not threaten the capacity of the United States to provide sanctuary for those facing persecution at home. The Cuban case also challenges the conceptualization of remote control. Remote control’s efficacy is highly dependent on collaboration by other governments, such as Cuba’s willingness to accept Cubans intercepted at sea by the U.S. Coast Guard.


2014 ◽  
Vol 58 (13) ◽  
pp. 1723-1742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seline Szkupinski Quiroga ◽  
Dulce M. Medina ◽  
Jennifer Glick

This paper examines the experiences of Latino adults in South Phoenix, Arizona, during a time of changing immigration policy, through the theoretical lenses of structural vulnerability and macro- and microaggression. The analyses describe how U.S.- and foreign-born Latinos experience the effects of local immigration laws and anti-immigrant sentiment. The results suggest that while there are differences between the U.S.-born and foreign-born in perceived impacts of immigration enforcement, there are few differences in perceptions of vulnerability and no evidence of lesser psychological distress among those who are not the direct targets of immigration enforcement activities. Even if they do not feel directly at risk, most respondents express concerns for family members and others in their social networks as a result of increased attention to immigration enforcement or anti-immigrant sentiment. These shared impacts may have long-term implications for Latino communities in the United States.


Author(s):  
Stefano Luconi

This chapter reconstructs the eventually fruitless efforts by which the Italian government of Alcide De Gasperi and Italian Americans pursued changes to the U.S. legislation that would have let a larger number of Italian immigrants move to the United States in the early 1950s. It focuses specifically on the exploitation of the anti-communist climate of the Cold War during the Truman administration in a campaign to prevent the passing of the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act, a measure that reaffirmed the national origins system discriminating against prospective Italian newcomers. The essay concludes that this operation ultimately failed because Washington allowed exceptions to its restrictive immigration laws almost exclusively for expatriates from countries under Communist rule, which was not the case of Italy.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan L. Gonzales

This article outlines the immigration and settlement patterns of Asian Indians in the United States from the turn of the century to the present decade. The focus is on the efforts of the Sikh pioneers to succeed in what can only be viewed as a hostile social environment, marked primarily by racial discrimination and legal restrictions on their entry into this country. With modifications in the U.S. immigration laws of 1965 an educated professional class of Asian Indians have monopolized the flow of immigrants from India, with the result that the Sikhs presently constitute a small proportion of the total number of Asian Indians in the U.S. However, the recent political crisis in India has served to galvanize the American Sikh community into political action. This has resulted in a political split between the Sikhs and other Asian Indians in this country. This article concludes with an analysis of the demographic composition of the “third wave” Asian Indian immigrants in the United States and their potential impact on political conditions in India.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Craig Budden ◽  
Heather Lynn Budden

The number of international students coming to the United States has fallen during the past two years.  Still, many come.  They seek an education that may be unavailable at home or just an opportunity to study in a foreign environment.  Upon graduation, many return home with subject matter knowledge gleaned in the classroom but no real understanding of Americans or America.  Those lacking assimilation and acceptance among US students return to their homelands shortchanged and in some ways, less prepared than they should be to deal in a multi-cultural environment.  International students need to be assimilated in such a manner as to enrich their understanding of the United States and to broaden their horizons. Too, assimilation may lead to an increase in the numbers of foreign students seeking an education in the U.S.  In a similar vein, U.S. students can enrich their knowledge and understanding of foreign cultures through close interaction with foreign students.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


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