Collective (Mis)Representation of U.S. Immigration Laws

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Stephanie Pedron

This paper examines historic federal immigration policies that demonstrate how the United States has rendered entire groups of people living inside and outside of its territory as outsiders. Collective representations like the Statue of Liberty suggest that the U.S. is a nation that welcomes all immigrants, when in reality, the U.S. has historically functioned as a “gatekeeper” that excludes specific groups of people at different times. The concurrent existence of disparate beliefs within a society’s collective consciousness influences the public’s views toward citizenship and results in policy outcomes that contrast sharply from the ideal values that many collective representations signify. As restrictive immigration controls are refined, insight into how immigrant exclusion via federal policy has evolved is necessary to minimize future legislative consequences that have the potential to ostracize current and future Americans.

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sawsan Abutabenjeh ◽  
Stephen B. Gordon ◽  
Berhanu Mengistu

By implementing various forms of preference policies, countries around the world intervene in their economies for their own political and economic purposes. Likewise, twenty-five states in the U.S. have implemented in-state preference policies (NASPO, 2012) to protect and support their own vendors from out-of-state competition to achieve similar purposes. The purpose of this paper is to show the connection between protectionist public policy instruments noted in the international trade literature and the in-state preference policies within the United States. This paper argues that the reasons and the rationales for adopting these preference policies in international trade and the states' contexts are similar. Given the similarity in policy outcomes, the paper further argues that the international trade literature provides an overarching explanation to help understand what states could expect in applying in-state preference policies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 104 (4) ◽  
pp. 766-782 ◽  
Author(s):  
JASON A. MACDONALD

Limitation riders, which allow the U.S. Congress to forbid agencies from spending money for specific uses, enable congressional majorities to exert greater influence over bureaucratic policy decisions than is appreciated by research on policy making in the United States. I develop a theory of limitation riders, explaining why they lead to policy outcomes that are preferable to a majority of legislators compared to outcomes that would occur if this tool did not exist. I assess this perspective empirically by analyzing the volume of limitation riders reported in bills from 1993 to 2002 and all limitation riders forbidding regulatory actions from 1989 to 2009. In addition to supporting the conclusion that Congress possesses more leverage over agencies’ decisions than is currently appreciated, the findings have implications for advancing theories of delegation.


1985 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-415
Author(s):  
Henry Trofimenko

For anyone whose job is to study the United States, the memoirs of its statesmen provide more than merely entertaining reading. They not only give you a closer insight into the “kitchen” of statesmanship and political decision making; they also provide an opportunity to check the assumptions and paradigms that were constructed earlier to analyze the policy of any particular administration. The memoirs confirm that in spite of hundreds of books and thousands of articles in the U.S. press that discuss specific policies, as well as daily debates in Congress and its committees, press conferences, and official statements, the policy process is not as open as it might seem at first glance. Rather, American foreign policy is made within a very restricted circle of the “initiated”—official and unofficial presidential advisers, including selected members of the Cabinet.


Author(s):  
Mark Zeller ◽  
Karthik Gangavarapu ◽  
Catelyn Anderson ◽  
Allison R. Smither ◽  
John A. Vanchiere ◽  
...  

AbstractThe emergence of the early COVID-19 epidemic in the United States (U.S.) went largely undetected, due to a lack of adequate testing and mitigation efforts. The city of New Orleans, Louisiana experienced one of the earliest and fastest accelerating outbreaks, coinciding with the annual Mardi Gras festival, which went ahead without precautions. To gain insight into the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 in the U.S. and how large, crowded events may have accelerated early transmission, we sequenced SARS-CoV-2 genomes during the first wave of the COVID-19 epidemic in Louisiana. We show that SARS-CoV-2 in Louisiana initially had limited sequence diversity compared to other U.S. states, and that one successful introduction of SARS-CoV-2 led to almost all of the early SARS-CoV-2 transmission in Louisiana. By analyzing mobility and genomic data, we show that SARS-CoV-2 was already present in New Orleans before Mardi Gras and that the festival dramatically accelerated transmission, eventually leading to secondary localized COVID-19 epidemics throughout the Southern U.S.. Our study provides an understanding of how superspreading during large-scale events played a key role during the early outbreak in the U.S. and can greatly accelerate COVID-19 epidemics on a local and regional scale.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald

U.S. policies toward Cubans have oscillated between periods of welcome and restriction embedded in an overall trajectory of restriction. The biggest difference between the treatment of Haitian and Cubans was that only Cubans seeking protection were granted realistic legal paths to enter the United States through visa waivers for air passengers, relaxation of enforcement of immigration laws, more robust asylum screening on the high seas, and in-country processing programs for dissidents and other programs guaranteeing slots in the immigration stream. The favorable treatment of Cubans shows that even tens of thousands of asylum seekers arriving over the course of a few months did not threaten the capacity of the United States to provide sanctuary for those facing persecution at home. The Cuban case also challenges the conceptualization of remote control. Remote control’s efficacy is highly dependent on collaboration by other governments, such as Cuba’s willingness to accept Cubans intercepted at sea by the U.S. Coast Guard.


2000 ◽  
Vol 122 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-266
Author(s):  
Robert F. Sammataro

Section XI, Subsections IWE and IWL, of the ASME Boiler and Pressure Vessel Code provide requirements to assure that the critical areas of steel and concrete primary containment structures are inspected to detect degradation that could compromise structural and leak-tight integrity. They also specify requirements for preservice examination, acceptance standards, repairs, replacements, and pressure testing. Each nuclear utility in the United States is required to develop and implement a containment inservice inspection program by September 9, 2001, 5 yr after the initial approval in Title 10, Part 50, of the U.S. Code of Federal Regulations. This paper discusses the Code requirements and also provides an insight into the development process and philosophy for containment inservice inspection. [S0094-9930(00)01903-X]


2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dudley L. Poston ◽  
Hua Luo

This paper analyzes recent patterns of Chinese immigration to the United States. We mainly compare the migration trends of students and laborers. Foreign students enter the U.S. usually as temporary immigrants with F1 or M1 visas, thus they are easily distinguished from permanent immigrants. Labor immigrants come to the U.S. in either a permanent or temporary status. We examine and compare the trends of these groups of Chinese immigrants for the 23-year period of 1980 to 2002 and evaluate the degree to which U.S. immigration laws have influenced the trends.


Author(s):  
Amy Skonieczny

More Americans than ever before believe that money in politics weakens our democracy. Public opinion polls show that the number of people who believe that the country is run by a few big interests looking after themselves rose to nearly 80% over the past 20 years. The belief that corporate interests drive public policy is not all that surprising when you consider the growth of lobbying in the United States. According to the Center for Responsive Government, from 1998 to 2016, the amount of money spent on lobbying the U.S. government grew from $1.45 billion to $3.12 billion with well over 10,000 lobbyists in Washington. With this all this money attempting to influence policy outcomes in Washington, it is no wonder that Americans are skeptical of the intentions of government officials. However, political scientists have found a more mixed result when it comes to the actual influence of money on politics. One study asked if the amount of money spent on any given issue really influences policy outcomes. Other studies have shown some benefit to the private parties that lobby. Thus despite significant research on the topic, there is little agreement among political scientists on just how lobbying influences political actors or if lobbying directly impacts policy results. When it comes to foreign policy, corporate lobbies are an ever-present influence in the crafting of government policies. Whether in the European Union or the United States or other countries around the world, corporate lobbies view representing their interests in a truly global fashion. While corporate interests are investing in shaping foreign policy in a variety of issues areas such as defense spending, arms sales, contractors on humanitarian missions, one area is particularly vulnerable to corporate influence—trade and finance. Research shows that U.S. trade politics is heavily influenced by the lobbying of business organizations and trade associations. In fact, the U.S. administration often relies on interested corporate parties to provide it with both the expertise that shapes the agreement itself and the political case for trade liberalization that shapes the public pro-trade campaign. In turn, corporate lobbying for trade agreements is a costly and involved process. For example, during the eight years of negotiations over the TransPacific Partnership Agreement, a regional trade agreement between the United States and 11 other Pacific Rim countries, corporations paid $2.6 billion dollars to lobbyists to influence the content of the agreement and to promote it to Congress and the American public. An overview of the literature on corporate lobbying and an examination of the case of U.S. trade shows a particular example of how corporate lobbying works to influence foreign policy.


Author(s):  
John Alderdice ◽  
Michael Cowan

This article explores the possibility that an analysis of racism in the United States and sectarianism in Northern Ireland inspired by literary, psychotherapeutic, religious and philosophical conceptions of metaphor might yield new insight into the two situations by attending carefully to similarities and differences between them. Following brief summaries of the current state of racism in the U.S. and sectarianism in Northern Ireland, the article offers two perspectives from the field of psychotherapy that seem particularly germane to both situations. Then we turn to the political philosophy of Hannah Arendt for a reflection on the unpredictability and irreversibility of human action, and what can be done within the limits of those conditions. Finally, we find in contemporary broad-based community organizing in the tradition of Saul Alinsky our closing metaphor: interracial and interfaith citizens organizations as crucibles that enable citizens and people of faith to imagine a way forward in societies struggling with racist and sectarian histories.


Author(s):  
Jaydeep Pancholi Norin Arshed

It may seem odd to learn about business exit and failure in a book about entrepreneurship and starting and growing successful businesses. However, it has been reported by the U.S. Small Business Administration that approximately 10% of all firms in the United States fail each year (Knott and Posen, 2005). In the UK, the rate is thought to be similar with 20% of businesses failing in their first year while a further 30% fail within the first three years (BIS, 2013). It is crucial to understand what is meant by business exit and failure to ensure that entrepreneurs and governments can learn from, and respond to failure. This chapter explores the meaning and importance of business failure followed by why firms fail and the effect this can have on the entrepreneur. It also discusses how to avoid such failures and provides an insight into some famous failures.


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