scholarly journals Local Population Change and Variations in Racial Integration in the United States, 2000–2010

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bellman ◽  
Seth E. Spielman ◽  
Rachel S. Franklin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Population Change ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
Local Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theil Index ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Local Areas

While population growth has been consistently tied to decreasing racial segregation at the metropolitan level in the United States, little work has been done to relate small-scale changes in population size to integration. We address this question through a novel technique that tracks population changes by race and ethnicity for comparable geographies in both 2000 and 2010. Using the Theil index, we analyze the fifty most populous metropolitan statistical areas in 2010 for changes in multigroup segregation. We classify local areas by their net population change between 2000 and 2010 using a unique unit of analysis based on aggregating census blocks. We find strong evidence that growing parts of rapidly growing metropolitan areas of the United States are crucial to understanding regional differences in segregation that have emerged in past decades. Multigroup segregation declined the most in growing parts of growing metropolitan areas. Comparatively, growing parts of shrinking or stagnant metropolitan areas were less diverse and had smaller declines in segregation. We also find that local areas with shrinking populations had disproportionately high minority representation in 2000 before population loss took place. We conclude that the regional context of population growth or decline has important consequences for the residential mixing of racial groups.

Locating neighbourhood diversity in the American metropolis

Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Walker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fort Worth ◽  
Urban Core ◽  
Diversity Gradient ◽  
Low Diversity

Racial and ethnic diversity in the United States is on the rise, as the country is projected to no longer have a racial majority by the mid-2040s. Much of this diversity is found in the United States’ large metropolitan areas, where it manifests itself unevenly. While some metropolitan neighbourhoods are growing highly diverse, others remain segregated by race and ethnicity. This paper introduces a framework for exploring the geography of neighbourhood diversity in US metropolitan areas, and defines the diversity gradient, a visual representation of how diversity varies with distance from the urban core. Analysis of the geography of metropolitan diversity from 1990 to 2010 reveals that the greatest increases in diversity are found in the suburbs and outlying areas, where diversity now peaks in many large metropolitan areas. Additional spatial analyses of neighbourhood diversity in Chicago and Dallas-Fort Worth show that clustering of highly diverse neighbourhoods has shifted to the suburbs from close-in urban areas, where many segregated and low-diversity neighbourhoods persist.

Uniquely Okinawan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtney A. Short
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
Local Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Military ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Rational Analysis ◽  
Racial And Ethnic Identity ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Definition Of

This study explores the planning considerations of the United States military in formulating and implementing policy for the occupation of Okinawa from April 1945 to July 1946. American soldiers, Marines, and sailors on Okinawa encountered not only a Japanese enemy, but a large local population. The Okinawans were ethically different from the Japanese, yet Okinawa shared politics with Japan as a legal prefecture. When devising occupation policies, the United States military analyzed practical military considerations such as resources, weapons capability and terrain, as well as attempted to ascertain a conclusive definition of Okinawa’s relation to Japan through conscious, open, rational analysis of racial and ethnic identity. While the Marines held steadfast to the image of the enemy civilian, soldiers’ ideas about the race, ethnicity, and identity of the Okinawans evolved through their interactions with the civilians on the battlefield. As the population exhibited obedience and cooperation, the Army expressed feelings of kinship toward the civilians and reshaped its military government policies toward leniency. With the exception of the Marines, the U.S. military recognized the Okinawans as competent and civilized: a group that formed a distinct, separate, unique ethnic community that was neither American nor Japanese in its likeness. Considerations of race, ethnicity, and identity by the Americans deeply influenced the conduct of the occupation beyond practical concerns of resources and battlefield conditions. The mercurial nature of the identity of the Okinawans displays both the malleability of race and ethnicity and its centrality in occupation planning.

Afterword

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Wuthnow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
The Other ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
High Expectations ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Slow Pace ◽  
The Past

This afterword argues that small towns are not characteristic of what the United States is really like. Small towns are instead what many people think the United States should be like, and indeed, what they would like it to be. Small towns are neighborly and impose high expectations on residents to be involved in the community. There is also no reason to believe that small towns are morally superior to metropolitan areas, or the reverse. Each has its advantages and disadvantages. One promotes neighborliness that sometimes becomes stifling, while the other provides opportunities that sometimes become overwhelming. The chapter suggests that small towns, even though they are changing, have a viable future, describing them as places in which the slow pace and small scale of the past is preserved. They are also communities in which leadership and innovative ideas are poised expectantly toward the future.

Zero Undocumented Population Growth Is Here to Stay and Immigration Reform Would Preserve and Extend These Gains

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Warren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Population Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Zero Population Growth ◽  
Legal Immigration

This report demonstrates that a broad and sustained reduction in undocumented immigration to the United States occurred in the 2008 to 2015 period. First, the report shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the Great Recession had little, if any, role in the transformation to zero population growth. The population stopped growing because of increased scrutiny of air travel after 9/11, a decade and a half of accelerating efforts to reduce illegal entries across the southern border, long-term increases in the numbers leaving the population each year, and improved economic and demographic conditions in Mexico. These conditions are likely to continue for the foreseeable future. It is time to recognize that the era of large-scale undocumented population growth has ended, and that there is a need to reform the US legal immigration system to preserve and extend these gains (Kerwin and Warren 2017, 319-21). Major findings of the report include:   The recession did not reduce arrivals or accelerate departures from the undocumented population; it essentially had very little impact on population change.[1]Population growth was lower in 2008 to 2015 than in 2000 to 2008 for all major sending areas and for 13 of the top 15 countries of origin.[2]Population growth was lower in 2008 to 2015 than in 2000 to 2008 in all of the top 15 states. In 10 of the 15 top states, growth changed to decline.Nearly twice as many left[3] the undocumented population from Mexico than arrived in the 2008 to 2015 period — 1.7 million left the population and 900,000 arrived.Almost twice as many overstays as persons who entered without inspection (EWIs) “arrived” (joined the undocumented population) from 2008 to 2015 — 2.0 million overstays compared to 1.1 million EWIs.Overstays leave the undocumented population at higher rates than EWIs: about 1.9 million, or 40 percent, of overstays that lived in the United States in 2008 had left the undocumented population by 2015, compared to 1.6 million, or 24 percent, of EWIs.The rate of overstays (65% of the newly undocumented), compared to EWIs, is more dramatic than the numbers indicate since estimates of the undocumented count Central American asylum seekers that cross the US southern border as EWIs.[1] The term “population” in this paper refers to the undocumented population, both persons who have stayed in the United States beyond the period of their temporary admission (“overstays”) and those who entered without inspection (EWIs).[2] In this paper, the terms “2000 to 2008 period” and “2008 to 2015 period” are not overlapping; they are used for ease of presentation. Estimates for the two time periods are based on data for 2000, 2008, and 2015. Technically, the earlier period is for 2000 through 2007 (eight years), and the latter period is for 2008 through 2014 (seven years).[3] Undocumented residents can leave the population in four ways: emigrate voluntarily, adjust to lawful status, be removed by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), or (a relatively small number) die.

Population Growth Impacts of Zero Net International Migration

1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 294-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon F. Bouvier ◽  
Dudley L. Poston ◽  
Nanbin Benjamin Zhai
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Population Change ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Natural Increase ◽  
Population Projections ◽  
Demographic Processes

Natural increase, and net international migration are the demographic processes that determine the amount of growth or decline in a nation's population. In a country such as the United States, the contribution of net international migration to overall population change overshadows the contribution of natural increase. It has long been the practice, however, when making population projections for countries, to consider the role of zero net international migration in an incorrect manner. Some analysts have assumed that if the same number of people leave and enter the country each year, then the effect of net international migration will be zero. This article examines that assumption and shows that it is fallacious. Examining the direct, indirect, total, and negative demographic impacts of zero net international migration through simulations with demographic data, we demonstrate that zero net international migration is not the same and therefore does not have the same demographic results and implications as zero international migration. We conclude that zero net international migration should not be confused with zero international migration. In discussions of international migration in either sending or receiving countries, the two concepts must be kept separate for they are not identical and, moreover, have decidedly different demographic implications and effects.

scholarly journals Zero Undocumented Population Growth is Here to Stay and Immigration Reform Would Preserve and Extend These Gains

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 491-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Warren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Population Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
The Us ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Zero Population Growth ◽  
Legal Immigration

This report demonstrates that a broad and sustained reduction in undocumented immigration to the United States occurred in the 2008 to 2015 period. First, the report shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the Great Recession had little, if any, role in the transformation to zero population growth. The population stopped growing because of increased scrutiny of air travel after 9/11, a decade and a half of accelerating efforts to reduce illegal entries across the southern border, long-term increases in the numbers leaving the population each year, and improved economic and demographic conditions in Mexico. These conditions are likely to continue for the foreseeable future. It is time to recognize that the era of large-scale undocumented population growth has ended, and that there is a need to reform the US legal immigration system to preserve and extend these gains (Kerwin and Warren 2017, 319–21). Major findings of the report include: • The recession did not reduce arrivals or accelerate departures from the undocumented population; it essentially had very little impact on population change.1 • Population growth was lower in 2008 to 2015 than in 2000 to 2008 for all major sending areas and for 13 of the top 15 countries of origin.2 • Population growth was lower in 2008 to 2015 than in 2000 to 2008 in all of the top 15 states. In 10 of the 15 top states, growth changed to decline. • Nearly twice as many left3 the undocumented population from Mexico than arrived in the 2008 to 2015 period — 1.7 million left the population and 900,000 arrived. • Almost twice as many overstays as persons who entered without inspection (EWIs) “arrived” (joined the undocumented population) from 2008 to 2015 — 2.0 million overstays compared to 1.1 million EWIs. • Overstays leave the undocumented population at higher rates than EWIs: about 1.9 million, or 40 percent, of overstays that lived in the United States in 2008 had left the undocumented population by 2015, compared to 1.6 million, or 24 percent, of EWIs. • The rate of overstays (65% of the newly undocumented), compared to EWIs, is more dramatic than the numbers indicate since estimates of the undocumented count Central American asylum seekers that cross the US southern border as EWIs.

Recent Migration Patterns in the Developed World: A Clarification of Some Differences between our and NASA's Findings

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Vining ◽  
R Pallone ◽  
D Plane
Keyword(s):  
Population Growth ◽  
Internal Migration ◽  
Growth Rates ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Population Change ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Migration Patterns ◽  
Regional Population ◽  
Developed World

This paper is a reply to two recently published critiques of our finding of a discontinuity in the recent internal migration patterns of Europe, Japan, and North America. Using data from the HAS A Human Settlements Systems Task, Hall–Hay and Gordon both fail to detect any significant narrowing in the differential between the growth rates of metropolitan areas and the growth rates of rural areas in Europe and Japan over the period 1950–1970 (they concede that this difference has disappeared, and has even been reversed in the United States). Our rejoinder here consists simply of a clarification of our own independent research on regional population change in these same countries. Unlike the IIASA project, this research has been confined, in the case of Europe and Japan, to a study of the trends in net internal migration to their politically and economically dominant core regions, for which data are available for the post-1970 period as well. Most of the disagreement over the presence or absence of a discontinuity in the regional population trends in the countries of western Europe and Japan can be explained by this simple difference in the principal orientations of the two studies, the first towards all metropolitan areas in these countries for the period 1950–1970, and emphasizing the total population growth of these areas, the other towards their densest, richest, and generally most important regions for the longer period 1950–1980, and emphasizing net internal migration to these regions rather than their overall population growth. For there is little doubt, as we demonstrate here, that there has been an abrupt and precipitous reduction in net internal migration towards the core regions of many countries in the developed world in the 1970s, though a comparable reduction may not have taken place to all metropolitan areas in the aggregate. Gordon's and Hall–Hay's claim to have rebutted our thesis is thus seen to be based on a misconception of the subject of our study.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document