When Interest Doesn’t Turn into Action: Discrimination, Group Identification, and Muslim Political Engagement in the Post-9/11 Era

2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-253
Author(s):  
Delaram Takyar

This article examines the effect of exposure to post-9/11 stigmatization on various types of Muslim political engagement, using a mixed-methods approach that combines propensity score matching analysis of data from the Muslims in the American Public Square (MAPS) survey administered immediately after 9/11 with experimental data of the U.S. Muslim population. I find that increased discrimination results in increased political interest but has a neutral or dampening effect on political participation. I use experimental data to argue that group identification acts as a partial mediator in this relationship, especially in accounting for the increase in political interest in response to discrimination.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oshrat Hochman ◽  
Gema García-Albacete

Our article investigates political engagement among youth with and without an immigration background. Tapping to current debates on intergenerational assimilation processes in Europe, we look at differences in levels of political interest between immigrants, children of immigrants and natives. In particular, we argue that such differences are a function of respondents’ identification with the receiving society. We predict that among respondents with an immigrant background higher levels of national identification will be positively correlated with political interest. Among natives, political interest will not depend on levels of national identification. These expectations reflect the ideas of the social identity perspective according to which group identification increases adherence to group norms and adherence to norms is stronger among individuals who suffer from identity uncertainty. We test our model in four European countries: England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden, using data from the CILS4EU project. Our findings indicate that interest in the politics of the survey country differs between respondents with and without an immigrant background. Respondents with an immigrant background who also have a strong national identification are more likely to report a political interest than natives. Respondents with an immigrant background who have a low national identification, are less likely to report a political interest than natives. The findings also reveal that political discussions at home and associationism positively predict political interest whereas girls show significantly lower odds to be politically interested.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Oosterhoff

This study examined associations among adolescent risk preference and political engagement using nationally representative Monitoring the Future data from high school seniors (N=109,574; modal age=18 years) spanning 1976-2014. Greater risk preference was associated with greater past voting, donating to a campaign, writing government officials, boycotting, and protesting. Greater risk preference was associated with higher future intentions to boycott and protest, but lower intentions to donate to or volunteer for a campaign. In general, associations between risk preference and political engagement became stronger with higher levels of political interest. Results highlight the importance of considering the adaptive role of adolescent risk preference and suggest that political engagement may be a constructive outlet for youth who pursue or are comfortable taking risks.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1342-1361
Author(s):  
Francis Dalisay ◽  
Matthew J. Kushin ◽  
Masahiro Yamamoto

In this chapter, we expand the idea that conflict avoidance (CA) inhibits online political participation. We specifically propose that CA has a direct negative link with traditional online political participation and online political expression, and an indirect negative link with these two forms of participation when mediated by political interest and internal political efficacy. We test our propositions through analyzing data from a survey of young adult college students residing in a battleground state in the U.S. Midwest conducted during the weeks prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Our results showed that CA has a direct negative association with both traditional online political participation and online political expression. CA also has a negative relationship with political interest and internal political efficacy, which in turn, are positively linked with traditional online political participation and online political expression. We discussed implications.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 2463-2482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffael Heiss ◽  
Jörg Matthes

Existing research indicates that incidental exposure to political information on social media may function as an equalizer, stimulating political engagement among the politically detached. In this article, we challenge this notion and propose that there are good reasons to assume that incidental exposure may reinforce existing gaps. We test the equalizing against the reinforcing hypothesis using data from a two-wave panel study ( N = 559). We find a positive main effect of incidental exposure on low-effort digital participation. However, this effect was not conditional on political interest, as the equalizing assumption would have suggested. More interestingly, we found that the effect of incidental exposure on high-effort digital participation was conditional on political interest. However, against the assumption of equalization, individuals with low levels of political interest were negatively affected by incidental exposure, thus lending support for the reinforcement hypothesis. Possible reasons for these findings are discussed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 921-958 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan A. Lanning

Abstract This article proposes a framework with which to estimate the impact on labor market outcomes implied by audit-pair study findings. I present a search model with discrimination and calibrate the model with experimental data from audit studies of the U.S. labor market and the NLSY79 to estimate the wage and unemployment implications of documented hiring disparity. All simulated results are highly consistent with the hypothesis that hiring discrimination may be an important component of the observed labor market disparity between African American and white workers in the U.S. Additionally, while the simulations only generate a small proportion of the observed gaps in unemployment, it proves to be one of the few models capable of explaining simultaneous wage in unemployment gaps. The most robust finding of the article is that non-trivial wage gaps can result even from the seemingly small differences in hiring rates documented in these studies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield

When political journalist William D. Workman, Jr., resigned from Charleston’s News and Courier and announced plans to run for the U.S. Senate in 1962, he said it would be “unethical” to combine “objective reporting with partisan politics.” Yet Workman’s personal papers reveal that, for three years, he and editor Thomas R. Waring, Jr., had been working with Republican leaders to build a conservative party to challenge Deep South Democrats. Workman’s story provides an example of how partisan activism survived in the twentieth-century American press, despite the rise of professional standards prohibiting political engagement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitsuhiro Aoyagi ◽  
David L. Y. Louie ◽  
Akihiro Uchibori ◽  
Takashi Takata ◽  
David Luxat

Abstract The Sodium Chemistry (NAC) package in MELCOR has been developed to enhance application to sodium cooled fast reactor. The models in the NAC package have been assessed through benchmark analyses. The F7-1 sodium pool fire experimental analysis is conducted within the framework of the U.S.–Japan collaboration under the Civil Nuclear Energy Research and Development Working Group. This study assesses the capability of the improved models proposed for the sodium pool fire in MELCOR through comparison with the F7-1 experimental data and the results of the SPHINCS code developed in Japan. Pool heat transfer, pool oxide layer, and pool spreading models are improved in this study to mitigate the deviations exhibited in the previous study where the original CONTAIN-LMR models are used: the overestimation of combustion rate and associated temperature during the initial phase of the sodium fire relative to the experimental data and SPHINCS results, and the underestimation of them during the later phase. The analytical result of the improved sodium pool fire model agrees well with the experimental data and SPHINCS results over the entire course of the sodium fire. This study illustrates these enhanced capabilities for MELCOR to reliably simulate sodium pool fire events.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 926-941 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremiah J. Castle ◽  
Shannon Jenkins ◽  
Candice D. Ortbals ◽  
Lori Poloni-Staudinger ◽  
J. Cherie Strachan

Conventional wisdom holds that the #MeToo movement increased awareness of sexual harassment and drove sympathizers, particularly women, to increased participation in the 2018 midterm elections. In this paper, we assess whether #MeToo increased awareness of sexual harassment, as well as whether #MeToo increased self-reported interest in various forms of political participation. Using an original dataset from October 2018, we find that although the #MeToo movement increased awareness and concern about sexual harassment and sexual assault, it did not affect interest in political participation among most Americans. We also find that the people most likely to report being aware of and mobilized by the movement were Democrats, those with high levels of political interest, and those who have personally experienced sexual harassment in professional settings. Surprisingly, in most of our models, women were no more likely to report that #MeToo increased their interest in participating than men. The results suggest that the primary effect of #MeToo may have been increasing the salience of sexual harassment and interest in political participation in 2018 among those who possessed the resources to participate and who were ideologically predisposed to support the movement’s goals from the beginning.


2021 ◽  
pp. 204717342110165
Author(s):  
Lukas Wallrich ◽  
Keon West ◽  
Adam Rutland

Across democracies, education predicts electoral participation and political interest. Here, German students on the pre-vocational and pre-academic educational tracks are compared to show how these differences emerge, and thus indicate how they can be addressed. In a Preliminary Study, a large dataset (3747 participants) revealed that there is a gap in political interest between the tracks, and that this predicts a gap in voting intentions. Study 1 (228 participants) tested three mediators of the relationship between educational tracks and voting intentions. Differences in civic understanding primarily explained the link between educational track and voting intentions. Lastly, in Study 2, 23 semi-structured interviews explored how limited civic understanding constrains political engagement among students on the pre-vocational track, indicating that a narrow understanding of power and a lack of sociological imagination are key. The finding that the gaps emerge due to differences in civic understanding, which is teachable, suggests that schools can play an effective role in addressing them. Limitations and implications are discussed.


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