Geosocial Strata

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 105-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Yusoff

The Anthropocene marks a moment of wild destratification of the planet that requires analysis of the relations between geologic forces and social practices. Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of strata is examined in order to develop a geophilosophy for the Anthropocene. Establishing a model of strata that conjoins earth and social flows together into planes of interrelated production highlights how the fossil substratum subtends contemporary forms of social relations. Stratifications, it is argued, are planes of social reproduction that both constrain and are expressive of possible modes of expression (and thus political freedom). If power, according to Foucault, is a relation between forces, geosocial strata conceptualizes how stratifications organize and capture forces into political geology. Concentrating on diagramming moments of crossing strata, it is suggested that Anthropocene geopolitics needs to be located at the intersection of geosocial formations and processes of fossilization, rather than through a new assemblage of planetary scale.

Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhdeep Singh Kehal ◽  
Laura Garbes ◽  
Michael D. Kennedy

This bibliography curates scholarship around understandings people identify as knowledges—their production and legitimating institutions and their experiences and embodiments, with an emphasis on those excluded from the canonizations of knowledge. This “knowledge cultural sociology” (KCS) recognizes the importance of the Mannheimian tradition, and its extensions, that explains how social relations and positions shape the articulations and validations of knowledge. However, KCS also situates knowledge within systems beyond those who produce and consume it. KCS views knowledge as itself necessarily contested, as struggles over its qualities reflect social locations and articulate social practices. KCS works to understand how knowledges’ symbols, schemas, institutions, and networks shape the terms of social reproduction and transformations; as such, it demands consideration of different kinds of knowledge cultural products and modes of communication. KCS is thus necessarily grounded in the question of what constitutes knowledge, and for whom and with what interests and expectations. This KCS intervention focuses on 21st-century work. This decision aims to engage scholarship that extends and challenges a 20th-century canon, including works from the 20th century signals scholarship yearning for expansion. The bibliography is not comprehensive, though it marks how knowledge is valued and ignored. To focus on this century and move beyond sociology allows engagement with ways of knowing and being that sociology has historically minoritized, moving consideration to structures and processes validating some kinds of knowledge over others. KCS is not canonization, but works toward liberation, toward a knowledge activism mobilizing knowledge in consequential public ways alongside more familiar scholarly ambitions. KCS seeks to move scholarship beyond familiar networks and self-reproducing knowledge hierarchies grounded in race, gender, sexuality, religion, and world region. It seeks to move dialogue beyond familiar self-referential walls and identify new and ignored ideas, meanings, references, and authorities for constituting knowledges of consequence, reframing contests along the way. For example, instead of asking how excellence and diversity can be combined in knowledge production, KCS asks instead what anti-racist knowledge excellence looks like. Given the politics of epistemology, accounts of epistemology ought to foreground the contexts and power relations in which those sensibilities are formed and communicated; thus, the references below move generally from concept to context. Likewise, sections moving toward global, postsocialist, and postcolonial discussions inform ontologies and epistemologies organizing scholarly work and public consequence. But this begins with what might be identified, in this entry at least, as the greatest hits of KCS.


Refuge ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 125-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hironori Onuki

Within the currently intensified labour flows from developing societies to highly industrialized areas, the Philippines has been the largest supplier of government-sponsored contract workers. Overseas contract employment was institutionalized by the Philippine government in 1972 to tackle the problems of unemployment and foreign debt. The remittances from migrant workers have become a major source of foreign currency for the national economy, which led the then president Aquino to call overseas workers “national heroes.” In this light, building upon Louise Amoore’s conceptualization of globalization as sets of globalizing social practices, my essay will investigate the concrete, contingen,t and situated practices of global labour migration. By so doing this analysis will stress that these migrant workers are not passive recipients of Philippine state policies but are agential political subjects. It will argue that the structured social practices of global labour migrants not only participate in and depend on, but also contest and negotiate, the (re)constitution of capitalist relations of production and social reproduction within the neo-liberal restructuring of global order. The objective of my essay is to contribute towards both the illustration of global politics as social relations produced by various actors in multiple spheres and emergent crucial efforts to pursue the possibilities for an emancipatory project and political resistance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juanita Elias ◽  
Shirin M. Rai

AbstractIt goes without saying that feminist International Political Economy (IPE) is concerned in one way or another with the everyday – conceptualised as both a site of political struggle and a site within which social relations are (re)produced and governed. Given the longstanding grounding of feminist research in everyday gendered experiences, many would ask: Why do we need an explicit feminist theorisation of the everyday? After all, notions of everyday life and everyday political struggle infuse feminist analysis. This article seeks to interrogate the concept of the everyday – questioning prevalent understandings of the everyday and asking whether there is analytical and conceptual utility to be gained in articulating a specifically feminist understanding of it. We argue that a feminist political economy of the everyday can be developed in ways that push theorisations of social reproduction in new directions. We suggest that one way to do this is through the recognition that social reproductionisthe everyday alongside a three-part theorisation of space, time, and violence (STV). It is an approach that we feel can play an important role in keeping IPE honest – that is, one that recognises how important gendered structures of everyday power and agency are to the conduct of everyday life within global capitalism.


Author(s):  
T. Serhiyevich

The article is devoted to the study of the specifics and transformation of business models in modern light industry in the context of robotization. It was revealed that the subjects of the light industry and the fashion industry are focused on the production of social relations, including the formation of needs and mechanisms for the recognition and social reproduction of the sign system, the construction of the connection of manufactured goods with the generally accepted sign system, management of the mechanisms of access of various groups of the population to sign goods. Against the background of the spread of the business model of fast fashion, the development of which was facilitated by social (the formation of a consumer society), economic (economic growth in the second half of the 20th century and the growth of welfare) and technological (robotization, the development of transport and information and communication technologies) factors, new business models are formed according to the principles of responsible consumption. It has been proven that in the short and medium term, their widespread and growth are unlikely, and the recycling strategies of fabric and clothing manufacturers will remain peripheral. As a result, it was found that even in radically different business models, the production of social relations is fundamental, and capitalization is carried out through the conversion of cultural, symbolic and reputation capital into economic capital.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Leach

This paper assesses the work of Robert Brenner alongside the insights developed within social-reproduction feminism to reassess discussions on the origins of capitalism. The focus on the internal relation between social production and social reproduction allows social-reproduction feminism to theorise the construction of gendered capitalist social relations that previous accounts of the transition to capitalism have thus far been unable to provide. It argues that a revised political Marxism has the potential to set up a non-teleological and historically specific account of the origins of capitalism. This paper seeks to redress the theoretical shortcomings of political Marxism that allow it to fail to account for the differentiated yet internally related process involved in the constitution and reconstitution of gendered capitalist social relations. This critique contributes to a social-reproduction feminism project of exploring processes of social production and social reproduction in their historical development and contemporary particularities.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Wilkinson

<Online Only>This book recounts the transformation of Europe from the interwar era until the euro crisis, using the tools of constitutional analysis and critical theory. The central claim is twofold: post-war Europe is reconstituted in a manner combining political authoritarianism and economic liberalism, producing an order which is now in a critical condition. The book begins in the interwar era, when liberalism, unable to deal with mass democracy and the social question, turns to authoritarianism in an attempt to suppress democracy, with disastrous consequences in Weimar and elsewhere. After the Second World War, partly on the basis of a very different diagnosis of interwar collapse, and initially through a passive authoritarianism, inter-state sovereignty is reconfigured, state-society relations are depoliticized, and social relations transformed. Integration is substituted for internationalism, technocracy for democracy, and economic liberty for political freedom and class struggle. This transformation takes time to unfold, and it presents continuities as well as discontinuities. It is deepened by the neo-liberalism of the Maastricht era and the creation of Economic and Monetary Union, and yet countermovements then also emerge: geopolitically, in the return of the German question; and domestically, in the challenges presented by constitutional courts and anti-systemic movements. Struggles over sovereignty, democracy, and political freedom resurface, but are then more actively repressed through the authoritarian liberalism of the euro crisis phase. This leads now to an impasse. Anti-systemic politics return but remain uneasily within the EU, suggesting that the post-war order of authoritarian liberalism is reaching its limits. As yet, however, there has been no definitive rupture.</Online Only>


Author(s):  
Bradley E. Ensor

A Marxist perspective considers contradictions within modes of production that ultimately lead to crises and transformations to other modes, providing a framework for interpreting political economic change in human societies. This chapter describes how kinship and marriage structure social relations of production and contradictions in kin-modes that may lead to social transformations. An archaeological framework for making inferences on kinship and marriage is applied to the Archaic periods of the Lower Mississippi Valley to explain the enigmatic development of early mound-building foraging societies and their dissolution in the Tchefuncte period. The Archaic periods reflect competitive “Crow/Omaha” kinship and marriage—explaining mound building and widespread craft production and exchange—that experienced the disproportionate demographic growth among descent groups hypothesized to cause crises in social reproduction. This was followed by a social transformation in the Tchefuncte period to bilateral descent networks with a less competitive “complex” marriage system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 123 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ursula Huws

This article revisits materialist second-wave feminist debates about domestic labour in the context of digitalisation. Using a differentiated typology of labour, it looks at how the tasks involved in housework have undergone dramatic changes through commodification, decommodification and recommodification without fundamentally altering the gender division of labour in social reproduction, drawing on recent research on the use of online platforms to deliver social reproductive labour via the market in a context in which reproductive labour sits at the centre of an intense time squeeze. It reflects on the implications of the commodification of domestic labour for feminist strategy. The author points to the inadequacy in this context of traditional feminist strategies—for the socialisation of domestic labour through public services, wages for housework or labour-saving through technological solutions—concluding that new strategies are needed that address the underlying social relations that perpetuate unequal divisions of labour in contemporary capitalism.


2018 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Elaine Lynn-Ee Ho

Analyzing emigration, immigration, and re-migration concurrently, under the framework of contemporaneous migration, directs us toward evaluating what it means to stake claims to different components of citizenship in more than one political community across a migrant’s life course. This chapter examines the way the Mainland Chinese migrants negotiate social reproduction concerns that extend across international borders, their multiple national affiliations, and aspirations for recognition and rights as they journey between China and Canada across the life course. Patterns of re-migration are transforming the social relations of citizenship, re-spatializing rights, obligations, and belonging. Source and destination countries are also reversed during repeated re-migration or transnational sojourning. Transnational sojourning forges citizenship constellations that interlink how migrants understand and experience citizenship across different migration sites.


Author(s):  
Jill E. Kelly

Gendered processes produced and sustained families and labor in southern Africa from the first hunter-gatherers through the present, but these processes were never static or uncontested. Archaeological, oral, and ethnographic sources suggest that southern Africa’s first hunter-gatherers experienced tense contestations of social and sexual roles and that the division of labor was more fluid than is normally assumed. Some 2,000 years ago new ways of life—pastoralism and agriculture—organized societies according to gender and generation, with young persons under the control of adults, and older women able to wield control over children-in-law as well as political and spiritual power. For agriculturalists, the home was a political space. During the centralization of states in the region, leaders tightened control of women, coming-of-age practices, and marriage as well as militarized age sets. After the onset of colonialism, gendered violence and contested social relations shaped and maintained a gendered and racialized capitalist society. Enslaved, dependent, and free African women’s labor unfolded in the service of white settlers along European ideas of women’s work, and a consensus emerged among officials, missionaries, and African Christian converts over the centrality of educated women converts to the making of Christian African families. Authorities enacted legislation to govern sex and marriage and to differentiate by race and culture. The developing system of migrant labor relied upon women’s agricultural work in the reserves. The apartheid state, too, intervened in social relations to control labor and produce not only racialized but also ethnicized persons in the service of separate development. Across the 20th century women shaped nationalisms, often using their association with social reproduction, and mobilized both within larger nationalism movements and specifically as women. Their political and social activism continues in the post-apartheid era.


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