scholarly journals Migration Workers as Political Subjects: Globalization-as-Practices, Everyday Spaces, and Global Labour Migrations

Refuge ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 125-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hironori Onuki

Within the currently intensified labour flows from developing societies to highly industrialized areas, the Philippines has been the largest supplier of government-sponsored contract workers. Overseas contract employment was institutionalized by the Philippine government in 1972 to tackle the problems of unemployment and foreign debt. The remittances from migrant workers have become a major source of foreign currency for the national economy, which led the then president Aquino to call overseas workers “national heroes.” In this light, building upon Louise Amoore’s conceptualization of globalization as sets of globalizing social practices, my essay will investigate the concrete, contingen,t and situated practices of global labour migration. By so doing this analysis will stress that these migrant workers are not passive recipients of Philippine state policies but are agential political subjects. It will argue that the structured social practices of global labour migrants not only participate in and depend on, but also contest and negotiate, the (re)constitution of capitalist relations of production and social reproduction within the neo-liberal restructuring of global order. The objective of my essay is to contribute towards both the illustration of global politics as social relations produced by various actors in multiple spheres and emergent crucial efforts to pursue the possibilities for an emancipatory project and political resistance.

Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhdeep Singh Kehal ◽  
Laura Garbes ◽  
Michael D. Kennedy

This bibliography curates scholarship around understandings people identify as knowledges—their production and legitimating institutions and their experiences and embodiments, with an emphasis on those excluded from the canonizations of knowledge. This “knowledge cultural sociology” (KCS) recognizes the importance of the Mannheimian tradition, and its extensions, that explains how social relations and positions shape the articulations and validations of knowledge. However, KCS also situates knowledge within systems beyond those who produce and consume it. KCS views knowledge as itself necessarily contested, as struggles over its qualities reflect social locations and articulate social practices. KCS works to understand how knowledges’ symbols, schemas, institutions, and networks shape the terms of social reproduction and transformations; as such, it demands consideration of different kinds of knowledge cultural products and modes of communication. KCS is thus necessarily grounded in the question of what constitutes knowledge, and for whom and with what interests and expectations. This KCS intervention focuses on 21st-century work. This decision aims to engage scholarship that extends and challenges a 20th-century canon, including works from the 20th century signals scholarship yearning for expansion. The bibliography is not comprehensive, though it marks how knowledge is valued and ignored. To focus on this century and move beyond sociology allows engagement with ways of knowing and being that sociology has historically minoritized, moving consideration to structures and processes validating some kinds of knowledge over others. KCS is not canonization, but works toward liberation, toward a knowledge activism mobilizing knowledge in consequential public ways alongside more familiar scholarly ambitions. KCS seeks to move scholarship beyond familiar networks and self-reproducing knowledge hierarchies grounded in race, gender, sexuality, religion, and world region. It seeks to move dialogue beyond familiar self-referential walls and identify new and ignored ideas, meanings, references, and authorities for constituting knowledges of consequence, reframing contests along the way. For example, instead of asking how excellence and diversity can be combined in knowledge production, KCS asks instead what anti-racist knowledge excellence looks like. Given the politics of epistemology, accounts of epistemology ought to foreground the contexts and power relations in which those sensibilities are formed and communicated; thus, the references below move generally from concept to context. Likewise, sections moving toward global, postsocialist, and postcolonial discussions inform ontologies and epistemologies organizing scholarly work and public consequence. But this begins with what might be identified, in this entry at least, as the greatest hits of KCS.


2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 105-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Yusoff

The Anthropocene marks a moment of wild destratification of the planet that requires analysis of the relations between geologic forces and social practices. Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of strata is examined in order to develop a geophilosophy for the Anthropocene. Establishing a model of strata that conjoins earth and social flows together into planes of interrelated production highlights how the fossil substratum subtends contemporary forms of social relations. Stratifications, it is argued, are planes of social reproduction that both constrain and are expressive of possible modes of expression (and thus political freedom). If power, according to Foucault, is a relation between forces, geosocial strata conceptualizes how stratifications organize and capture forces into political geology. Concentrating on diagramming moments of crossing strata, it is suggested that Anthropocene geopolitics needs to be located at the intersection of geosocial formations and processes of fossilization, rather than through a new assemblage of planetary scale.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 70-100
Author(s):  
Allain Fonte

Abstract   The Philippines has been deploying migrant workers to more than 192 countries, with a rising number that exceeds up to a million workers every year.   In 2009, the record of migrant workers’ remittances went up to 17.4 billion US dollars from 10.4 billion US dollars in 2005.  Reports showed that remittances comprise a bigger portion of the Philippines’ gross domestic product, as it contributed 10.8% to the GDP in 2005, and 11.1% in 2009.  After more than 50 years of deploying Filipino workers overseas, the Philippines should have improved with its labour policies and implementing them.  Yet, reports on abuses of Filipino workers can still be read and heard.  This paper reviews the two most controversial cases where the Philippine government had failed to protect its migrant workers by analysing its then labour policies; and how they have impacted the labour and migration sectors to ensure the welfare of its migrant workers.  Further, this research discusses reoccurring issues such as delayed services from government agencies, lack of administrative skills to process complaints and cases of Filipino migrant workers, poor communication and coordination among government offices, labour policies that do not abide by the constitution, and the unfair provisions in the treaties between Philippines and destination countries for low-skilled workers.   Keywords labour migration, migration, migrant workers, labour policies


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (262) ◽  
pp. 97-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans J. Ladegaard

AbstractMany people in developing countries are faced with a dilemma. If they stay at home, their children are kept in poverty with no prospects of a better future; if they become migrant workers, they will suffer long-term separation from their families. This article focuses on one of the weakest groups in the global economy: domestic migrant workers. It draws on a corpus of more than 400 narratives recorded at a church shelter in Hong Kong and among migrant worker returnees in rural Indonesia and the Philippines. In sharing sessions, migrant women share their experiences of working for abusive employers, and the article analyses how language is used to include and exclude. The women tell how their employers construct them as “incompetent” and “stupid” because they do not speak Chinese. However, faced by repression and marginalisation, the women use their superior English language skills to get back at their employers and momentarily gain the upper hand. Drawing on ideologies of language as the theoretical concept, the article provides a discourse analysis of selected excerpts focusing on language competence and identity construction.


2006 ◽  
Vol 51 (168) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Damir Novotny

Financial sector in the Republic of Croatia had a strong growth between 1995 2005.g. Liberalization of financial sector in 1999 led to an increase in bank foreign debt, which resulted in a strong increase in foreign currency reserves and appreciation of the national currency. The growth of the financial sector and credit expansion have been allocated in favour of private and public consumption, but not in industry investments. GDP growth didn't have the same momentum as financial aggregates. Economic growth, after a contraction in 1999 was within the average of global economic growth. Relying on neoclassical growth model, government and central bank didn't put in place the needed set of pro-active policies. Factor allocation was solely through private bank channels financing private consumption. If the sustainable economic growth and new employment are to be major macroeconomic goals, a new macroeconomic paradigm as combination of neclassical and neokeynesians approach will be needed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juanita Elias ◽  
Shirin M. Rai

AbstractIt goes without saying that feminist International Political Economy (IPE) is concerned in one way or another with the everyday – conceptualised as both a site of political struggle and a site within which social relations are (re)produced and governed. Given the longstanding grounding of feminist research in everyday gendered experiences, many would ask: Why do we need an explicit feminist theorisation of the everyday? After all, notions of everyday life and everyday political struggle infuse feminist analysis. This article seeks to interrogate the concept of the everyday – questioning prevalent understandings of the everyday and asking whether there is analytical and conceptual utility to be gained in articulating a specifically feminist understanding of it. We argue that a feminist political economy of the everyday can be developed in ways that push theorisations of social reproduction in new directions. We suggest that one way to do this is through the recognition that social reproductionisthe everyday alongside a three-part theorisation of space, time, and violence (STV). It is an approach that we feel can play an important role in keeping IPE honest – that is, one that recognises how important gendered structures of everyday power and agency are to the conduct of everyday life within global capitalism.


Author(s):  
T. Serhiyevich

The article is devoted to the study of the specifics and transformation of business models in modern light industry in the context of robotization. It was revealed that the subjects of the light industry and the fashion industry are focused on the production of social relations, including the formation of needs and mechanisms for the recognition and social reproduction of the sign system, the construction of the connection of manufactured goods with the generally accepted sign system, management of the mechanisms of access of various groups of the population to sign goods. Against the background of the spread of the business model of fast fashion, the development of which was facilitated by social (the formation of a consumer society), economic (economic growth in the second half of the 20th century and the growth of welfare) and technological (robotization, the development of transport and information and communication technologies) factors, new business models are formed according to the principles of responsible consumption. It has been proven that in the short and medium term, their widespread and growth are unlikely, and the recycling strategies of fabric and clothing manufacturers will remain peripheral. As a result, it was found that even in radically different business models, the production of social relations is fundamental, and capitalization is carried out through the conversion of cultural, symbolic and reputation capital into economic capital.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Norhabib Bin Suod Sumndad Barodi

The terrorism element attendant in an armed conflict does not alter its destructive nature vis-à-vis civilian properties. One example is the Marawi crisis where the Philippine security forces, in response to the threat to national security, territorial integrity, and sovereignty, resorted to aerial bombings and shelling of private buildings, residential houses, and masajid infiltrated by local terrorists, resulting in the destruction of these civilian properties. This article addresses the issue of non-compensability of these civilian property losses. Arguments in favour of and against non-compensability are presented against the backdrop of the concept of reparations in both international law and Philippine domestic law. Based on existing legal realities in Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence, this article finds that reparations in the form of compensation in the context of the Marawi crisis may not be imposed upon the Philippine government as a legal obligation. However, Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence likewise provides for sufficient grounds that reparations in the form of compensation has become the moral obligation of the Philippine government, which it must pursue in the name of justice under a regime of rule of law. Yet ironically, while justice especially during the transition is the ultimate objective of reparations both in its moral and legal contexts, it is only in the latter context that reparations may be pursued judicially. In the final analysis, the non-compensability issue, though a legal one, is a question of choice on the part of the Philippine government.


IZUMI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-142
Author(s):  
Muhammad Reza Rustam

One of the reasons foreign workers are looking for jobs abroad is that there are not enough jobs in their home countries. Indonesia is one of the countries that send migrant workers to more developed Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The increasingly rapid flow of globalization in the world goes together with the need for new workers to fill the industry, especially in Japan. This condition has forced Japan to open doors for foreign workers from developing countries to satisfy demand. These workers usually come from developing countries, such as Indonesia, Vietnam, China, the Philippines, and others. In general, they occupy the less desirable working positions over Japanese youth, the so-called 3D work (dirty, dangerous, and demanding). Therefore, the current dynamics of these migrant workers' life in Japan becomes an exciting subject to comprehend, especially for the Indonesian migrant workers. This study aims to determine the dynamics of Indonesian worker's life while working in the Japanese fisheries sector. In particular, the study looks at those who work in oyster cultivation in Hiroshima prefecture. This research was carried out using descriptive analysis methods and field study with in-depth interviews conducted from 2016-2018. The interviews performed in this study were structured to find answers for the following questions: What problems do the workers face while living in Japan? What kind of processes did they go through before coming to Japan? While working in the Japanese fishing industry, how was their life as a Muslim minority?


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Leach

This paper assesses the work of Robert Brenner alongside the insights developed within social-reproduction feminism to reassess discussions on the origins of capitalism. The focus on the internal relation between social production and social reproduction allows social-reproduction feminism to theorise the construction of gendered capitalist social relations that previous accounts of the transition to capitalism have thus far been unable to provide. It argues that a revised political Marxism has the potential to set up a non-teleological and historically specific account of the origins of capitalism. This paper seeks to redress the theoretical shortcomings of political Marxism that allow it to fail to account for the differentiated yet internally related process involved in the constitution and reconstitution of gendered capitalist social relations. This critique contributes to a social-reproduction feminism project of exploring processes of social production and social reproduction in their historical development and contemporary particularities.


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