scholarly journals Support for a COVID-19 vaccine mandate in the face of safety concerns and political affiliations: An Australian study

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110090
Author(s):  
David T Smith ◽  
Katie Attwell ◽  
Uwana Evers
Keyword(s):  
Vaccine Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Australian Study ◽  
Safety Concerns ◽  
Government Mandates ◽  
Childhood Vaccine ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Levels Of Support

COVID-19 vaccine development has been widely awaited, but concerns around acceptance and political polarisation prevail. We sought to determine the willingness of Australians to take a (then prospective) COVID-19 vaccine, compared with their previously recorded opinions about other vaccines. We also sought to determine reasons for hesitancy, levels of support for possible government mandates, and the political basis of support. We surveyed 1200 Australians, including 898 participants in a panel previously asked in 2017 about vaccines and mandates. In all, 66% of respondents indicated they would take a coronavirus vaccine, less than the 88% who in 2017 agreed that vaccines are safe, effective, and necessary. Also, 70% of the respondents who indicated hesitancy were concerned about the safety of the vaccine if it was developed too quickly, and 73% of all respondents agreed that the government should require a coronavirus vaccine for work, travel, and study. This is lower than the 85% who agreed with the childhood vaccine mandate in 2017, but slightly higher than the number of respondents who indicated that they would definitely be willing to take the coronavirus vaccine themselves. Older respondents, higher income respondents, and respondents who vote for major parties were all significantly more likely to take a coronavirus vaccine and to support government requirements.

Tensions will simmer in Ecuador despite subsidy U-turn

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Action ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Imf

Significance The move, designed to help meet IMF loan conditions, triggered two weeks of protests by indigenous movements, trade unions, students and others, which brought the country to a halt and threatened to topple the government. Heavy-handed police and military action exacerbated the violence, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and at least eight deaths. Moreno’s U-turn has put an end to the unrest for now but deep divisions (and IMF requirements) remain. Impacts Correa and his supporters will seize on Moreno’s inability to maintain order and his decision to back down in the face of protests. Indigenous groups will be emboldened by Moreno’s U-turn and will continue resisting key elements of the government’s economic programme. Relations with the IMF have returned to centre stage and will shape the political landscape as the 2021 presidential elections approach.

Afera Grimma-Hoffmanna. Szwajcarski przypadek samowolnej misji parlamentarzysty w polityce zagranicznej

2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Piotr Bednarz
Keyword(s):  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Swiss Society ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secret Agent

The years of the First World War were also a difficult period for Swiss society. Its political polarization came out particularly sharply in the face of the political crises that occurred at the time. One of the most serious was the so-called Grimm-Hoffmann affair of June 1917. The leader of the Swiss socialist milieu, one of the better-known parliamentarians, Robert Grimm, who went to Stockholm to attend the socialist congress and then to Petrograd, turned out to be a secret agent of the head of the Political Department of the Swiss government, Arthur Hoffmann. Robert Grimm’s mission was to probe the new Russian government about the possibility of a separate peace between Russia and Germany. This exposed unlawful action, undertaken without the agreement of the government, led to an international scandal, as the actions of R. Grimm and A. Hoffmann were contrary to Switzerland’s policy of neutrality. At the same time, there was an intensified press campaign in the country against A. Hoffmann, ending with his resignation. The arguments used by the public in their attacks on A. Hoffmann, clearly show that the Swiss society did not tolerate the actions of parliamentarians that went against the customs of a democratic state.

scholarly journals Contra Spem Spero: The Third Sector’s Resilience in the Face of Political Turbulence and Legislative Change in Ukraine

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svitlana Krasynska
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Shadow Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legislative Changes ◽  
Ukrainian Society ◽  
People Today

AbstractThe iconic Ukrainian poem, “Contra Spem Spero,” with its theme of resilience in the face of enduring hardships, appears as salient for the Ukrainian people today as when it was composed more than a hundred years ago. Political instability and a far from favorable legislative system have affected Ukraine’s society in a variety of ways since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. How have Ukraine’s nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) been shaped by these conditions? A review of academic and applied literature, as well as governmental reports and legislative texts, reveals that the political and legislative environment in Ukraine is highly unstable and, at times, antagonistic to NGOs. However, indicators of sector activity and interviews with Ukrainian nonprofits suggest that the sector, overall, has not changed significantly during the last decade of substantial political and legislative changes. This paper suggests that Ukrainian nonprofits (much like Ukrainian society in general) appear to exist in a parallel universe with the governmental and legislative world. Ukrainian nonprofits are generally not supported by and are largely independent from the government. The concept of a shadow economy in Ukraine is discussed as a way of understanding how nonprofit organizations continue to function in what is often an adverse policy environment. “Contra Spem Spero” (1890), translated from Latin as “Against all Hope I Hope,” is the title of a poem by one of Ukraine’s most revered poets, Lesya Ukraїnka.

scholarly journals Loftur Helgason fer til Björgvinjar

Ritið ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Lára Magnúsardóttir
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Conflict Of Interests ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.

scholarly journals Merebut Kursi Impian Partisipasi Perempuan di Tengah Intervensi Negara dan Dinasti Politik

Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Adek Risma Dedees
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Face ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
The Government

Kebijakan affirmative action merupakan bentuk diksriminasi positif bagi perempuan di Indonesia untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan dan pengambilan kebijakan di parlemen. Dengan kebijakan ini kesadaran gender di parlemen pelan tapi pasti memberikan harapan bagi perjuangan dan keadilan perempuan. Kebijakan affirmative action diharapkan mampu mengubah wajah parlemen yang bias kepentingan patriarki menuju kebijakan-kebijakan yang lebih ramah kepada perempuan. Sementara itu, partisipasi perempuan melalui dinasti politik sebagai sandaran tidak bisa disebut jelek atau tidak memiliki modal atau pengetahuan berpolitik. Sebagai tahap awal dan lewat jalur apapun, lebih baik rakyat melihat perempuan di posisi paling tinggi di pemerintahan, perusahaan, dan organisasi daripada tidak sama sekali. Jenis penelitian ini kualitatif interpretatif dengan kajian pustaka perihal persoalan partisipasi perempuan dalam ranah politik.Affirmative action policies are forms of positive discrimination for women in Indonesia to be directly involved in the manufacturing process and policy making in parliament. With this policy of gender awareness in parliament, it slowly but surely gives hope to women's struggle and justice. Affirmative action policies are expected to change the face of parliament biased towards the interests of patriarchal policies that are more friendly to women. Meanwhile, the participation of women through political dynasty as the backrest cannot be called bad, or does not have the capital or knowledge of politics. As an early stage and through any path, it is much better people's view of women is in the highest positions in the government, companies, and organizations than nothing at all. This type of research is qualitative interpretive literature review regarding the issue of women's participation in the political sphere.

The Yorkshire Association and the Crisis of 1779–80

1947 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Butterfield
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
English History ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Internal Condition ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Revolutionary Situation ◽  
Pathological Case

Even before the beginning of the movement which it is our purpose to examine, the position of the government of Lord North had come to be critical. Perhaps never in English history has a ministry known comparable distress and at the same time been compelled to go on existing through it. The difficulties came to a head in a catastrophic manner in October and November 1779, after the government had shown its helplessness in the face of a possible invasion of these islands, and news had come of the development of a semi-revolutionary situation in Ireland. And as Parliament was to reassemble on 25 November the internal condition of the ministry deteriorated—some members resigning, the rest in a state of anarchy, Lord North himself almost a pathological case, often paralysed by his doubts and incapacitated by his moods of depression—and, precisely because of these difficulties, there was the prospect of a union of opposition factions who might well believe that one last desperate endeavour would complete the overthrow of the ministry. On the top of everything, there was the fact that the next general election was beginning to seem imminent, and at this stage in the life of a Parliament the members in an extraordinary manner would begin to be sensitive to opinion in their constituencies. When Parliament re-assembled the political conflict was made more dramatic in that the issue was more clearly set out by the opposition as a matter of the People versus the King. On repeated occasions the dangerous influence of the crown—and especially the closet activity—was made the principal object of opposition attack. Henceforward this is a central theme in parliamentary debate.

The Other Side of Peronist Argentina: Radicals and Socialists in the Political Opposition to Perón (1946–1955)

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA GARCÍA SEBASTIANI
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Figure

The political life of Argentina between 1946 and 1955 cannot be defined exclusively by the emergence and consolidation of Peronism, but was also shaped by the actions, ideas and conflicts of opposition to it. The evolution of the Radical and Socialist parties during those years was marked both by their respective internal discrepancies and by the dynamics of confrontation with the government. In the face of Perón's emergence as a political figure, Radicals and Socialists revitalised inter-party agreements that had been tried and tested in previous years. The Radicals, their internal disagreements notwithstanding, were to become the main representatives of anti-Peronism their oppositional roles changing as the institutional spaces for conflict and engagement with Peronism developed. Meanwhile, the Socialists lost political and representational weight, despite their desperate attempts to maintain themselves as an option within the political arena. When the rules of political competition changed in Peronism's favour, Radicals and Socialists became convinced of the legitimacy of challenging the constitutional order in an attempt to increase the political representation of anti-Peronism.

scholarly journals Egyptian-Israeli Relations during the Government of Mohamed Morsi (2012-2013)

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (68) ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
State Of Israel

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.

Manipulating the Market: Understanding Economic Sanctions, Institutional Change and the Political Unity of White Rhodesia. By David M. Rowe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 256p. $52.50.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-893
Author(s):  
A. Cooper Drury
Keyword(s):  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Ann Arbor ◽  
The Face ◽  
Rally Effect ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Solidarity

One of the big questions concerning economic sanctions is why they so often fail. A widely accepted answer to this question argues that economic sanctions increase the political solidarity within the target nation because the targeted public rallies behind its leader in the face of external pressure (Johann Galtung, “On the Effects of International Economic Sanctions, with Examples from the Case of Rhodesia,” World Politics 19 [1967]: 378–416). David M. Rowe calls this explanation into question and shows that the unity behind the white regime in Rhodesia was politically constructed by the government and not a spontaneous rally effect generated by nationalism or racial unity.

Southern Rhodesian African Nationalists and the 1961 Constitution

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Day
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
The Face ◽  
Southern Rhodesia ◽  
The Government

The convening of the constitutional conference on Southern Rhodesia early in 1961 was the summit of the African nationalists' achievement, from which they subsequently declined. The conference took place less than four years after the formation of the first modern nationalist party in the territory and only two years after the Government had banned it and arrested its leaders. The second nationalist party secured, a year after its inauguration and in the face of implacable hostility from the Government, the first of its major immediate aims, this constitutional conference, which its representatives attended with status equal to that of representatives from the government party. The nationalists had the opportunity at the conference to help modify the political system, in existence since 1923, from which Africans had been almost wholly excluded.

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