scholarly journals Merebut Kursi Impian Partisipasi Perempuan di Tengah Intervensi Negara dan Dinasti Politik

Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Adek Risma Dedees

Kebijakan affirmative action merupakan bentuk diksriminasi positif bagi perempuan di Indonesia untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan dan pengambilan kebijakan di parlemen. Dengan kebijakan ini kesadaran gender di parlemen pelan tapi pasti memberikan harapan bagi perjuangan dan keadilan perempuan. Kebijakan affirmative action diharapkan mampu mengubah wajah parlemen yang bias kepentingan patriarki menuju kebijakan-kebijakan yang lebih ramah kepada perempuan. Sementara itu, partisipasi perempuan melalui dinasti politik sebagai sandaran tidak bisa disebut jelek atau tidak memiliki modal atau pengetahuan berpolitik. Sebagai tahap awal dan lewat jalur apapun, lebih baik rakyat melihat perempuan di posisi paling tinggi di pemerintahan, perusahaan, dan organisasi daripada tidak sama sekali. Jenis penelitian ini kualitatif interpretatif dengan kajian pustaka perihal persoalan partisipasi perempuan dalam ranah politik.Affirmative action policies are forms of positive discrimination for women in Indonesia to be directly involved in the manufacturing process and policy making in parliament. With this policy of gender awareness in parliament, it slowly but surely gives hope to women's struggle and justice. Affirmative action policies are expected to change the face of parliament biased towards the interests of patriarchal policies that are more friendly to women. Meanwhile, the participation of women through political dynasty as the backrest cannot be called bad, or does not have the capital or knowledge of politics. As an early stage and through any path, it is much better people's view of women is in the highest positions in the government, companies, and organizations than nothing at all. This type of research is qualitative interpretive literature review regarding the issue of women's participation in the political sphere.

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110090
Author(s):  
David T Smith ◽  
Katie Attwell ◽  
Uwana Evers

COVID-19 vaccine development has been widely awaited, but concerns around acceptance and political polarisation prevail. We sought to determine the willingness of Australians to take a (then prospective) COVID-19 vaccine, compared with their previously recorded opinions about other vaccines. We also sought to determine reasons for hesitancy, levels of support for possible government mandates, and the political basis of support. We surveyed 1200 Australians, including 898 participants in a panel previously asked in 2017 about vaccines and mandates. In all, 66% of respondents indicated they would take a coronavirus vaccine, less than the 88% who in 2017 agreed that vaccines are safe, effective, and necessary. Also, 70% of the respondents who indicated hesitancy were concerned about the safety of the vaccine if it was developed too quickly, and 73% of all respondents agreed that the government should require a coronavirus vaccine for work, travel, and study. This is lower than the 85% who agreed with the childhood vaccine mandate in 2017, but slightly higher than the number of respondents who indicated that they would definitely be willing to take the coronavirus vaccine themselves. Older respondents, higher income respondents, and respondents who vote for major parties were all significantly more likely to take a coronavirus vaccine and to support government requirements.


Author(s):  
Fardaus Ara

Empowerment of women is a universal slogan. Worldwide, several strategies are carried on by international organizations to ensure active participation of women in decision-making. Active participation at all level of politics is necessary in this regard. Likewise, the government of Bangladesh has adopted various programs and policies to ensure gender equality in all sectors of life. Relevant laws and ordinances are revised, and new provisions are incorporated in the laws where necessary. One-third seats are kept reserved for women to be elected at the urban local government. However, gender disparity is evident at this level. Women are mostly seen as reserved seat councilors. They are almost absent in the leadership positions. In Bangladesh, women's participation in local government politics is hampered due to multi-faceted factors ranging from socio-cultural to political. The male-dominating political parties can play a major role to bring gender parity in politics by nominating and supporting more women in the local government election.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 3175-3183
Author(s):  
Ida Wahyuni Iskandar

The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of East Kalimantan. They have realized that their vote determines the future of their region. For this the simplest form of political participation, most of the women in East Kalimantan have performed their right.The role of the participation of women activists is important in inviting women in East Kalimantan to participate in general elections. To increase activist women's participation is not only the responsibility of one party. Political education for women needs to be held more widely, not only for certain groups. Efforts to increase women's participation in politics certainly need systemic collaboration from various parties from the government, political parties, and community organizations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-217
Author(s):  
Bani Syarif Maula

Abstract: Achieving equal opportunities between women and men in political competition has always been a complex process, even though the government has established affirmative policies to encourage a greater role for women in the political sphere. The issue of patriarchal culture and the challenge of religious conservatism can hamper the achievement of the objectives of the affirmation policy for women in competing for elections to occupy the position of parliament members (DPR-RI). This paper discusses the political contestation of women in reaching political positions as people's representatives and the challenges they face in fighting for issues of gender equality in the parliament. This research answers what factors are hampering women's involvement in political contestation, and what challenges are there in fighting for gender equality issues. This study used a qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach. The theory used in this study was the concept of affirmative action and the theory of gender equality in politics. The results of the discussion showed that the number of women elected in the 2019 Elections increased. Thanks to the affirmative policy ruled by the Indonesian government. However, affirmative policies to meet gender quotas do not only benefit those who have gender equality agendas, but also those who stand with the anti-feminist movement that represents the voices of conservative groups. The issue they are fighting for is still trapped in the gender ideology proclaimed by a patriarchal culture, which assumes women's problems are identical to those of mothers. Therefore, not all elected women MPs explicitly have a gender perspective. الملخص:إن تحقيق تكافؤ الفرص بين النساء والرجال في المنافسة السياسية كان دائمًا عملية معقدة ، على الرغم من أن الدولة وضعت سياسات إيجابية لتشجيع دور أكبر للمرأة في المجال السياسي.يمكن أن تعوق مسألة الثقافة الأبوية وتحدي المحافظة الدينية تحقيق أهداف سياسة التأكيد للمرأة في التنافس على الانتخابات لشغل منصب أعضاء البرلمان (مجلس النواب لجمهورية إندونيسيا). تناقش هذه الورقة التنافس السياسي للمرأة في الوصول إلى المناصب السياسية كممثلة للشعب والتحديات التي تواجهها في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين في البرلمان.يجيب هذا البحث عن العوامل التي تعوق مشاركة المرأة في التنافس السياسي ، والتحديات التي تواجهها النساء في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين. تستخدم هذه الدراسة طريقة نوعية مع نهج التحليل الوصفي.النظرية المستخدمة في هذه الدراسة هي مفهوم العمل الإيجابي ونظرية المساواة بين الجنسين في السياسة. تظهر نتائج البحث أن عدد النساء المنتخبات في انتخابات 2019 زاد بنسبة 22 في المائة. بفضل السياسة الايجابية التي تحكمها الحكومة الاندونيسية.ومع ذلك ، فإن السياسات الإيجابية للوفاء بحصص النوع الاجتماعي لا تفيد فقط أولئك الذين لديهم أجندة للمساواة بين الجنسين ، ولكن أيضًا أولئك الذين يقفون إلى جانب الحركة المناهضة للنسوية التي تمثل أصوات الجماعات المحافظة.إن القضية التي يناضلون من أجلها لا تزال عالقة في الأيديولوجية الجنسانية التي أعلنتها ثقافة أبوية ، والتي تفترض أن مشاكل المرأة مماثلة لمشاكل الأمهات.لذلك ، لم يكن لجميع البرلمانيات المنتخبات منظور جنساني بشكل واضح.Abstrak: Mencapai peluang yang setara antara perempuan dan laki-laki dalam persaingan politik selalu menjadi proses yang kompleks, meskipun negara telah menetapkan kebijakan afirmatif untuk mendorong peran yang lebih besar bagi perempuan dalam ranah politik. Persoalan budaya patriarkal dan tantangan konservatisme agama dapat menghambat pencapaian tujuan kebijakan afirmasi bagi perempuan dalam memperebutkan pemilihan untuk menduduki posisi anggota DPR-RI. Kajian ini membahas kontestasi politik perempuan dalam mencapai posisi sebagai wakil rakyat dan tantangan yang mereka hadapi dalam memperjuangkan isu-isu kesetaraan gender di parlemen. Penelitian ini menjawab faktor-faktor apa yang menghambat keterlibatan perempuan dalam kontestasi politik, dan tantangan apa yang dihadapi perempuan dalam memperjuangkan isu kesetaraan gender. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis deskriptif. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep affirmative action dan teori kesetaraan gender dalam politik. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa jumlah perempuan yang terpilih dalam Pemilu 2019 meningkat 22 persen berkat kebijakan afirmatif yang ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. Namun demikian, kebijakan afirmatif untuk memenuhi kuota perempuan tidak hanya menguntungkan mereka yang memiliki agenda kesetaraan gender, tetapi juga mereka yang mendukung gerakan anti-feminis yang mewakili suara-suara kelompok konservatif. Masalah yang mereka perjuangkan masih terjebak dalam ideologi gender yang diproklamasikan oleh budaya patriarki, yang menganggap masalah perempuan identik dengan masalah ibu. Karena itu, tidak semua anggota parlemen perempuan yang terpilih secara eksplisit memiliki perspektif gender.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada


Significance The move, designed to help meet IMF loan conditions, triggered two weeks of protests by indigenous movements, trade unions, students and others, which brought the country to a halt and threatened to topple the government. Heavy-handed police and military action exacerbated the violence, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and at least eight deaths. Moreno’s U-turn has put an end to the unrest for now but deep divisions (and IMF requirements) remain. Impacts Correa and his supporters will seize on Moreno’s inability to maintain order and his decision to back down in the face of protests. Indigenous groups will be emboldened by Moreno’s U-turn and will continue resisting key elements of the government’s economic programme. Relations with the IMF have returned to centre stage and will shape the political landscape as the 2021 presidential elections approach.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Piotr Bednarz

The years of the First World War were also a difficult period for Swiss society. Its political polarization came out particularly sharply in the face of the political crises that occurred at the time. One of the most serious was the so-called Grimm-Hoffmann affair of June 1917. The leader of the Swiss socialist milieu, one of the better-known parliamentarians, Robert Grimm, who went to Stockholm to attend the socialist congress and then to Petrograd, turned out to be a secret agent of the head of the Political Department of the Swiss government, Arthur Hoffmann. Robert Grimm’s mission was to probe the new Russian government about the possibility of a separate peace between Russia and Germany. This exposed unlawful action, undertaken without the agreement of the government, led to an international scandal, as the actions of R. Grimm and A. Hoffmann were contrary to Switzerland’s policy of neutrality. At the same time, there was an intensified press campaign in the country against A. Hoffmann, ending with his resignation. The arguments used by the public in their attacks on A. Hoffmann, clearly show that the Swiss society did not tolerate the actions of parliamentarians that went against the customs of a democratic state.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document