scholarly journals Analysing intra-party power: Swedish selection committees over five decades

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110516
Author(s):  
Niklas Bolin ◽  
Nicholas Aylott

Unlike political parties in many other countries, Swedish ones have not adopted more inclusive methods for choosing their election candidates and party leaders. While the party congress formally selects important party offices, the process is managed, prior to the formal vote, by a selection committee vested with the task of filtering the pool of potential leaders and proposing one of them as the new leader. In this article, we survey the composition of these selection committees over time to investigate the extent to which change has taken place. Specifically, we investigate whether the composition of these powerful committees, which decide who joins the ranks of the country’s political leaders, has developed over time in relation to what prominent theories of intra-party power might lead us to expect. We derive testable expectations from prominent conceptualisations of intra-party power and apply these empirically. Specifically, we study the composition of party selection committees in Sweden over 50 years, 1969–2019. In total, this includes 40 different selection committees and almost 400 individuals. Contrary to conventional wisdom on intra-party power relations, the empirical analysis reveals a surprising degree of stability, raising questions about common claims of general power shifts within parties.

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Silver

Throughout the nineteenth century, political parties attempted to mediate local, state, and national conflicts to forge a winning electoral coalition. The question here is whether party leaders felt that success depended on offering clear divergent positions to their voters. In other words, to what extent did the parties present alternative programs to the electorate—at any specific time or over time? This study examines the growth of the two-party system in nineteenth-century America by focusing on the interaction of the elites of the Democrats and Whig/Republicans in forging their electoral message. The methodology includes a content analysis of national and state party platforms during presidential election years 1840 through 1896 to show when and where parties emphasized certain issue proposals. Ultimately, this is a story of interparty polarization—over time, the two major parties tended to emphasize the same issues and offer divergent positions in their platforms.


Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart

This chapter examines the evolving roles and responsibilities of House officers in the antebellum era. An analysis of each of the major House officer positions—mainly the Speaker, but also the Clerk and Printer—reveals that the Speaker's role has varied over time, and that the speakership was not the only House office worth fighting for, especially before the Civil War. The chapter first provides a background on the speakership before the Civil War before discussing two major features of the House of Representatives's formal organization: committees and floor debate. It then explores how the Speaker, Clerk, and Printer positions could bestow significant policy and patronage to the political parties that controlled them. It shows that all three positions were regularly viewed as political resources and that party leaders saw the potential of these resources for helping to solidify the foundation of a party-centered legislative institution.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Caiani ◽  
Paolo R. Graziano

Academic attention to populism has sharply increased in recent years. Yet, a commonly accepted definition is still lacking, with scholars disagreeing on categorization, labels, and boundaries between its different manifestations. In this article, through an analysis of Euromanifestos and party statutes, we address the interactions between Italian political parties and populism by adopting the various definitions available in populism theory, that is, populism as (i) ideology, (ii) rhetoric, (iii) communication style, and (iv) organization. Our aim is to identify all major attributes linked to populism and empirically investigate them with lower level indicators, measuring and comparing them across Italian parties and over time. The empirical analysis, conducted through a formalized content analysis of the European electoral programmes and party statutes, considers populism not as a discrete concept but rather as a continuous one and therefore enables us to undercover the variety of populisms within the Italian parties. The main finding of the article is that over the last decades all Italian parties have shown some signs of populism and that the intensification of populist features is strongly linked to the exarcebation of the financial and economic crisis, and its governance.


Author(s):  
Thomas König ◽  
Daniel Finke

This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.


Author(s):  
Joanie Bouchard

Abstract Research into the impact of a politician's sociodemographic profile on vote choice in Westminster-style systems has been hindered by the relative sociodemographic homogeneity of party leaders. Past research has focused mainly on the evaluation of local candidates in the American context, but given that elections in plurality systems are far less candidate-oriented , the evaluation of local candidates tells us little about the prevalence of affinity or discrimination in other contexts. This article investigates the effect of political leaders' ethnicity on political behavior by looking at the case of Jagmeet Singh in Canada, the first federal party leader of color in the country's history. While the literature has shown that the gender of leaders in Canada can matter, little is known about the attitudes of Canadians toward party leaders of color specifically. We are interested in the evaluations of Singh and his party, as well as the shifts in voting intentions between elections in 2015 and 2019. We uncover affinity-based behaviors from individuals who identify as Sikh, as well as a negative reception of Singh's candidacy in Quebec.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Vural Karagul

The purpose of this study is to examine if Turkish people prefer their leaders with spiritual leadership characteristics. The findings reveal that Turkish people prefer their leaders with spiritual values and characteristics.  In addition, Turkish people in both the East and West part of Turkey, after spiritual leadership values and characteristics, want to see their leaders with religious values. However, the magnitude of preferences of religious values in the East part of Turkey is higher than in the West part of Turkey.These results can be implemented training the high ranked government officials such as bureaucrats and district governors to empower them with spiritual leadership values and characteristics; therefore, they could provide better services for the benefits of people. Also, political parties can bring spiritual leadership values to their agenda. They can emphasize on these values in their party programs and to raise awareness among the party leaders and members to inspire and sustain people. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Chaqués Bonafont ◽  
Frank R. Baumgartner

AbstractSpain's newspapers are characterised by strong partisan identities. We demonstrate that the two leading newspapers nonetheless show powerful similarities in the topics of their coverage over time. The media system is strongly related to the policy process and it shows similar levels of skew (attention focuses on just a few topics) and friction (attention lurches rapidly from topic to topic) as others have shown for policy processes more generally. Further, media attention is significantly related to parliamentary activities. Oral questions in parliament track closely with media attention over time. Our assessment is based on a comprehensive database of all front-page stories (over 95,000 stories) in El País and El Mundo, Spain's largest daily newspapers, and all 7,446 oral questions from 1996 to 2009. The paper shows that explanations of friction and skew in governmental activities should incorporate media dynamics as well. Political leaders are clearly sensitive to media salience.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ridwansyah

Artikel ini ingin menyorot mengenai penentuan kandidat pepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh. Bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh. Serta mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh yang tidak merujuk kepada AD dan ART Partai Aceh sekaligus dengan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dalam pembahasan, disimpulkan: Pertama, bahwa proses penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh tidak sesuai dengan Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Partai Aceh. Akan tetapi proses ditentukan dalam kongres partai hal ini berdasarkan pernyataan para elit-elit Partai Aceh. Kemudian Dewan Pimpinan Pusat, Dewan Pimpinan Wliayah, Dewan Pimpinan Sagoe, Dewan Pimpinan Mukim dan Dewan Pimpinan Gampong sudah mengadakan rapat dalam hal penentuan para kandidat yang diusung. Kedua, konsekuensi dari penentuan kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh baik itu Calon Gubernur/Wakil Gubernur, Calon Bupati/Wakil Bupati, Calon Walikota/Wakil Walikota memang tidak merujuk kepada Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Partai Aceh, dalam Anggaran Rumah Tangga Pasal 6 yang menyatakan kewenangan Majelis Tuha Peut menentukan kebijakan strategis namun kenyataannya tidak demikian, hal ini inkonstitional karena melanggar ketentuan AD dan ART Partai Aceh. Karena legitimasi AD dan ART Partai Aceh diakui secara kuat oleh Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. This article would like to highlight the determination of the Aceh Government candidate pala in internal Aceh Party. Aims to find out and analyze the determination of candidates for the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh in the Internal Aceh Party. As well as knowing and analyzing the determination of candidates for candidates for the Head of the Aceh Government in the Internal Aceh Party who did not refer to the AD and ART of the Aceh Party as well as Government Regulation Number 20 Year 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. Based on the research results in the discussion, it was concluded: First, that the process of determining candidates for the Head of Aceh Government candidates in the Aceh Party internally was not in accordance with the Aceh Party Statutes and Bylaws. However, the process was determined at the party congress based on the statements of the Aceh Party elites. Then the Central Leadership Board, the Wliayah Leadership Board, the Sagoe Leadership Board, the Mukim Leadership Council and the Gampong Leadership Council held a meeting in determining the candidates to be promoted. Second, the consequences of determining the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh, whether Candidates for Governor / Deputy Governor, Candidates for Regent / Deputy Regent, Candidates for Mayor / Deputy Mayor, do not refer to the Statutes and Articles of the Aceh Party, in Article 6 of the Bylaws which states the authority of the Tuha Assembly Peut determines strategic policy but the reality is not the case, this is unconstitutional because it violates the provisions of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party. Because the legitimacy of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party is strongly recognized by Government Regulation Number 20 of 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. 


2019 ◽  
pp. 1222-1236
Author(s):  
Flaminia Saccà

In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.


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