The Suppressive Impacts of Voter Identification Requirements

2020 ◽  
pp. 073112142096662
Author(s):  
Jennifer Darrah-Okike ◽  
Nathalie Rita ◽  
John R. Logan
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Suppressive Effect ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Voter Identification ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Identification Documents ◽  
Voter Suppression ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Voter Id

Political observers argue that the United States is in a contemporary era of voter suppression. We study one mechanism that may limit voter participation, the requirement to show identification documents at the polls—voter ID policy. Voting rights advocates have raised concerns about disparate impacts of voter restrictions on racial minorities. However, past studies have reported conflicting results. Analyzing nationally representative data from the Current Population Survey across nine election years, we show that voter ID policies, and especially “strict photo ID policies,” have a suppressive effect on participation. Voter ID requirements can reduce the probability of self-reported voting by as much as four percentage points, enough to swing a national election. While we found suppressive effects of ID policies for all racial groups, we show that Latino citizens face disproportionately negative suppressive effects of strict ID policies.

Sleep health in U.S. adults before and during the COVID-19 pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Garrett Hisler ◽  
Jean Twenge
Keyword(s):  
Sleep Duration ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Sleep Health ◽  
The Past ◽  
Falling Asleep ◽  
Interview Survey ◽  
Nationally Representative

Understanding how health has changed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic is critical to reducing and recovering from the pandemic. This study focused on how sleep health in the United States may have been impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Sleep duration and number of days in the past week with difficulty falling asleep, difficulty staying asleep, and not feeling rested in a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults collected before the COVID-19 outbreak (2018 National Health Interview Survey, n = 19,433) was compared to the same measures in a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults collected during the COVID-19 outbreak (2020 Luc.id, n = 2,059). Sleep duration was slightly shorter in 2020 than 2018 (d = -.05). Moreover, the prevalence of insufficient sleep duration (RR = 1.20) and the number of days with difficulty falling asleep (d = .54), difficulty staying asleep (d =.36), and not feeling rested (d = .14) was greater in 2020 than 2018. Twice as many people in 2020 reported experiencing at least one night of difficulty falling asleep (RR = 1.95) or staying asleep (RR = 1.75). Adults younger than 60 and those who belonged to an Asian racial group had larger differences than other age and racial groups between 2018 and 2020. Thus, sleep health in U.S. adults was worse in 2020 than in 2018, particularly in younger and Asian adults. Findings highlight sleep as target in future research and interventions seeking to understand and reduce the effects of the spread of COVID-19.

After the Voting Rights Act

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas A. Powe
Keyword(s):  
Attorney General ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Voter Identification ◽  
Shelby County ◽  
The One ◽  
Voter Fraud ◽  
Voter Id ◽  
The U.S

This chapter discusses the legal battles over the issue on voting rights in Texas. The Voting Rights Act, with its preclearance requirements for the South, was adopted in 1965 and reauthorized in 1970, 1975, 1982, and 2006. A few days after the 2006 reauthorization, the municipal utility district (MUD), created in Austin, Texas, in the 1980s, sued the U.S. attorney general, claiming that it should be allowed the advantage of the “bailout” (from preclearance) provisions of the Act. Edward Blum was the man behind the lawsuit. The chapter examines the MUD case and the one that followed it, Shelby County v. Holder. It also considers the efforts of Republicans to prevent voter fraud in the state through voter identification, resulting in SB 14, or voter ID bill, in the Texas Senate.

Waiting to Vote in the 2016 Presidential Election: Evidence from a Multi-county Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert M. Stein ◽  
Christopher Mann ◽  
Charles Stewart ◽  
Zachary Birenbaum ◽  
Anson Fung ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Waiting Times ◽  
The United States ◽  
Time Of Day ◽  
Research Teams ◽  
Nationwide Study ◽  
Voter Identification ◽  
Driver's License ◽  
Voter Id

This paper is the result of a nationwide study of polling place dynamics in the 2016 presidential election. Research teams, recruited from local colleges and universities and located in twenty-eight election jurisdictions across the United States, observed and timed voters as they entered the queue at their respective polling places and then voted. We report results about four specific polling place operations and practices: the length of the check-in line, the number of voters leaving the check-in line once they have joined it, the time for a voter to check in to vote (i.e., verify voter’s identification and obtain a ballot), and the time to complete a ballot. Long lines, waiting times, and times to vote are closely related to time of day (mornings are busiest for polling places). We found the recent adoption of photographic voter identification (ID) requirements to have a disparate effect on the time to check in among white and nonwhite polling places. In majority-white polling places, scanning a voter’s driver’s license speeds up the check-in process. In majority nonwhite polling locations, the effect of strict voter ID requirements increases time to check in, albeit modestly.

scholarly journals The Misperception of Racial Economic Inequality

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Ivuoma Ngozi Onyeador ◽  
Natalie M Daumeyer ◽  
Julian Rucker ◽  
Jennifer Richeson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Inequality ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Willful Ignorance ◽  
Racial Wealth Gap ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Wealth Gap ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
New Evidence

Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. The present work considers the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults (N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black-White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality, the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.

scholarly journals "I Don't Want Everybody to Vote": Christian Nationalism and Restricting Voter Access in the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Perry ◽  
Andrew L Whitehead ◽  
Joshua B. Grubbs
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Language ◽  
Civil Rights Era ◽  
The Us ◽  
Voter Suppression ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Voter Fraud ◽  
Post Civil Rights ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Though the persistence of voter suppression and disenfranchisement in the US is well-documented, we still know little about their contemporary ideological underpinnings beyond partisanship and racial resentment. Highlighting the Christian Right’s influence in driving anti-democratic sentiment in the post-Civil Rights era, we propose contemporary ideological support for restricting the vote generally, and specifically, to those who prove “worthy,” is undergirded by a pervasive ideology that cloaks authoritarian ethno-traditionalism with the ultimacy and polysemic utility of religious language―Christian nationalism. Nationally representative data collected weeks before the November 2020 elections reveal Christian nationalism is a leading predictor that Americans deny that voter suppression is a problem, believe that the US makes it “too easy to vote,” believe that voter fraud is rampant, and support measures to disenfranchise individuals who could not pass a basic civics test or who committed certain crimes. Interactions show Christian nationalism’s influence is particularly strong among men across most outcomes and, regarding voter suppression, whites compared to Blacks. We argue Christian nationalism seeks to institutionalize founding ideals in which civic participation is rooted in hierarchies, being restricted to a “worthy” few. Appeals to America’s religious heritage thus facilitate stratifying America’s citizenry and justifying restricting participation to preserve dominance.

scholarly journals Potential Impact of the 2017 High Blood Pressure Guideline Beyond the United States: A Case Study of the People’s Republic of China

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (9) ◽  
pp. 846-851
Author(s):  
Andrew Barszczyk ◽  
Deye Yang ◽  
Jing Wei ◽  
Wendy Huang ◽  
Zhong-Ping Feng ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Blood Pressure ◽  
High Blood Pressure ◽  
Antihypertensive Medication ◽  
Heart Association ◽  
The United States ◽  
Atherosclerotic Cardiovascular Disease ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Ascvd Risk ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Impact

Abstract BACKGROUND The 2017 American College of Cardiology (ACC)/American Heart Association (AHA) (US) Guideline for the Prevention, Detection, Evaluation and Management of High Blood Pressure in Adults expanded the definition of hypertension and now considers atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease (ASCVD) risk in determining treatment for people with hypertension. US guidelines are influential around the world and it is therefore justified to study their impact in other settings. Our study determined the impact of adopting the 2017 ACC/AHA guideline in China. METHODS We analyzed the population impact of the 2017 ACC/AHA guideline using the 2011–2012 year of the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS), a nationally representative sample of Chinese adults 45–74 years of age (n = 11,822). Our analysis was unique because for the first time it used a population-appropriate equation to calculate ASCVD risk instead of the US Pooled Cohort Equation (the latter misrepresents risk in non-US populations). RESULTS Adopting the 2017 ACC/AHA guideline in China would increase the prevalence of hypertension from 44.1% to 56.4% (12.3 percentage points) and increase the number of adults recommended for antihypertensive medication from 41.6% to 49.1% (7.5 percentage points) in the 45–74-year age range. According to Chinese (but not US) risk calculations, the 2017 ACC/AHA guideline more selectively assigns antihypertensive medication to patients at higher risk for ASCVD. CONCLUSIONS The 2017 ACC/AHA guideline brings potential for risk reduction in China and selectively recommends medication for those who would benefit most. Realizing such benefits would ultimately depend on the acceptance, adherence, and feasibility of adopting this guideline.

scholarly journals The Misperception of Racial Economic Inequality

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 899-921 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Ivuoma N. Onyeador ◽  
Natalie M. Daumeyer ◽  
Julian M. Rucker ◽  
Jennifer A. Richeson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Inequality ◽  
The United States ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Willful Ignorance ◽  
Racial Wealth Gap ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Wealth Gap ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
New Evidence

Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. In the present work we consider the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults ( N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black–White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality and the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.

The Racial and Economic Context of Trump Support: Evidence for Threat, Identity, and Contact Effects in the 2016 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Knowles ◽  
Linda Tropp
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Neighborhood Diversity ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
To Come ◽  
Neighborhood Level ◽  
Support Evidence

Donald Trump's ascent to the Presidency of the United States defied the expectations of many social scientists, pundits, and laypeople. To date, most efforts to understand Trump's rise have focused on personality and demographic characteristics of White Americans. In contrast, the present work leverages a nationally representative sample of Whites to examine how contextual factors may have shaped support for Trump during the 2016 presidential primaries. Results reveal that neighborhood-level exposure to racial and ethnic minorities is associated with greater group threat and racial identification among Whites, as well as greater intentions to vote for Trump in the general election. At the same time, however, neighborhood diversity afforded Whites with opportunities for intergroup contact, which is associated with lower levels of threat, White identification, and Trump support. Further analyses suggest that a healthy local economy mutes threat effects in diverse contexts, allowing contact processes to come to the fore.

Examining Racial Discrimination’s Association With Depressive Symptoms Through Metadehumanization Among African Americans: Does Racial Identity Matter?

2020 ◽  
pp. 009579842098366
Author(s):  
Yara Mekawi ◽  
Natalie N. Watson-Singleton
Keyword(s):  
Depressive Symptoms ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Indirect Effect ◽  
Social Cognitive ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Social Cognitive Theories

Though considerable empirical work has documented the ways in which African Americans are dehumanized by other racial groups, there is no research examining how perceiving dehumanization (i.e., metadehumanization) is associated with the mental health of African Americans. In this study, we examined the indirect effect of racial discrimination on depressive symptoms through metadehumanization and explored whether this indirect effect was contingent on racial identity (i.e., centrality, private regard). African American students completed measures in a university lab located in the Midwestern region of the United States ( N = 326; Mage = 19.7, 72.4% women). We found that the degree to which racial discrimination was indirectly associated with depressive symptoms through metadehumanization was contingent on racial identity dimensions. Specifically, the indirect effect of racial discrimination on depressive symptoms through metadehumanization was only significant for individuals who were relatively higher on centrality and private regard. This research suggests that the role of metadehumanization is stronger among African Americans who strongly identify with and have positive views of their racial group. We discuss these results in the context of social cognitive theories.

scholarly journals The Epidemiology and Genetics of Hyperuricemia and Gout across Major Racial Groups: A Literature Review and Population Genetics Secondary Database Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 231
Author(s):  
Faven Butler ◽  
Ali Alghubayshi ◽  
Youssef Roman
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Risk Allele ◽  
Statistical Significance ◽  
Elevated Serum ◽  
The United States ◽  
Allele Frequencies ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
1000 Genomes Project ◽  
1000 Genomes ◽  
Risk Alleles

Gout is an inflammatory condition caused by elevated serum urate (SU), a condition known as hyperuricemia (HU). Genetic variations, including single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), can alter the function of urate transporters, leading to differential HU and gout prevalence across different populations. In the United States (U.S.), gout prevalence differentially affects certain racial groups. The objective of this proposed analysis is to compare the frequency of urate-related genetic risk alleles between Europeans (EUR) and the following major racial groups: Africans in Southwest U.S. (ASW), Han-Chinese (CHS), Japanese (JPT), and Mexican (MXL) from the 1000 Genomes Project. The Ensembl genome browser of the 1000 Genomes Project was used to conduct cross-population allele frequency comparisons of 11 SNPs across 11 genes, physiologically involved and significantly associated with SU levels and gout risk. Gene/SNP pairs included: ABCG2 (rs2231142), SLC2A9 (rs734553), SLC17A1 (rs1183201), SLC16A9 (rs1171614), GCKR (rs1260326), SLC22A11 (rs2078267), SLC22A12 (rs505802), INHBC (rs3741414), RREB1 (rs675209), PDZK1 (rs12129861), and NRXN2 (rs478607). Allele frequencies were compared to EUR using Chi-Square or Fisher’s Exact test, when appropriate. Bonferroni correction for multiple comparisons was used, with p < 0.0045 for statistical significance. Risk alleles were defined as the allele that is associated with baseline or higher HU and gout risks. The cumulative HU or gout risk allele index of the 11 SNPs was estimated for each population. The prevalence of HU and gout in U.S. and non-US populations was evaluated using published epidemiological data and literature review. Compared with EUR, the SNP frequencies of 7/11 in ASW, 9/11 in MXL, 9/11 JPT, and 11/11 CHS were significantly different. HU or gout risk allele indices were 5, 6, 9, and 11 in ASW, MXL, CHS, and JPT, respectively. Out of the 11 SNPs, the percentage of risk alleles in CHS and JPT was 100%. Compared to non-US populations, the prevalence of HU and gout appear to be higher in western world countries. Compared with EUR, CHS and JPT populations had the highest HU or gout risk allele frequencies, followed by MXL and ASW. These results suggest that individuals of Asian descent are at higher HU and gout risk, which may partly explain the nearly three-fold higher gout prevalence among Asians versus Caucasians in ambulatory care settings. Furthermore, gout remains a disease of developed countries with a marked global rising.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document