Social Movements in Iran: How Well Does the Dominant Narrative Work?

2020 ◽  
pp. 089692052097679
Author(s):  
Elham Hoominfar

In this paper, I apply the typical stages of social movements—emergence, coalescence, and institutionalization—to an Iranian environmental social movement. I show how each of the stages does, or does not, play out in the Iranian case, using interview data and documentary analysis. The first two stages of social movements are achieved in the movement. But, due to a centralized state that uses violence and repression, the movement cannot play on the stage of the dominant narrative’s institutionalization. However, the movement is not in decline. I suggest using the idea of “persistence/resistance” for the last stage rather than institutionalization, as institutionalization may be just a form to assure that social movements will persist. There are other cases like this movement around the world, but there is not a specific argument to challenge the limitations of the dominant narrative. My study helps scholars rethink this narrative according to the context of the countries in their research.

Author(s):  
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah

The second chapter is a literature review. The first section tackles the different theological positions Muslim scholars have posited with regard to activism. This is important as we find that some of these stances guide, or are used to justify, the various forms of activism. I further discuss the types of Muslim activists, and the social movement literature, in order to ground the findings of this book within a field of study. The idea is that the book should be relevant beyond Singapore or even Islamic studies, and locating the book within the literature of social movements serves this purpose.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 506-507
Author(s):  
Rebecca Kay

In the introduction, Valerie Sperling notes that "Russia's transition from communism toward capitalism and a more democratic political arrangement has been both good and bad for women, presenting both obstacles and opportunities for organizing" (p. 7). She goes on to produce an engaging and thought-provoking analysis aimed at broadening the scope and explanatory power of social movement theory, which, she argues, has been developed by scholars who focus primarily on social movements in the "contemporary core democracies" (pp. 52-3). In contrast Sperling develops "a cross-cultural model of social movement organizing and development that explores five interrelated opportunity structures: socio-cultural or attitudinal, political, economic, political-historical, and international" (p. 53). In each subse- quent chapter she tackles one of these opportunity structures and offers a number of fascinating insights into the world of post-Soviet social movements, based on the experience of her sample of women's organizations.


Author(s):  
Tomas Larsson

This article examines the rise of the organic foods movement to a position of power and influence around the world. The movement’s rise is attributed to the efficacy of “organic” as a mobilizing frame for a social movement, as well as to the institutional opportunities offered by states and international organizations. The article also discusses the organic foods movement as a model for other social movements seeking to attain transnational status.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gillian Murphy

Censuses reveal an increasing prominence of coalition organizations within transnational social movements. However, the causes and implications of this change are unclear. Using original data on a population of transnational environmental social movement organizations, this research shows that coalition presence is a double-edged sword. While greater numbers of coalitions suggest movement expansion, empirical evidence suggests that this rise makes foundings of new organizations less likely.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110485
Author(s):  
Spencer Louis Potiker

This paper argues that sociological analysis of social movements has undertheorized non/anti-state social movements. It is argued that an alternative modality of resistance to that of movements seeking reform through the state or the capture of state power through revolution is to exit the world-system and set up parallel structures of governance and production. A conjunctural inter-regional comparison is taken up in order to map the inter-scalar and historical causal factors that led to exit-with-autonomy in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and autonomy-without-exit in Iraqi Kurdistan (Kurdish Regional Government). The paper shows that in order to exit the world-system social movement actors in Rojava used strategic loyalty bargains and political voice at specific historical conjunctures in order to maintain their movement and seize on non-state political opportunities. These same non-state political opportunities were not available for the social movement actors hoping to exit the world-system in the Kurdish Regional Government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qinfeng Zhu

Social media offer an avenue for the formation of citizen-driven global networks that are vital to mobilizing international support and curating global public discourse in social movements. This study looks into the global flow of information and communication about Hong Kong's Occupy Central Movement with a focus on the country/territory-level international network that emerged on Twitter. Drawing on the world systems theory and the literature on social movement, it examines whether the globalization of a local social movement via social media is circumscribed by the existing order of the world system (i.e., from the developed core countries/territories to the developing peripheral). It focuses its analysis on the network structure and the predictors of countries/territories’ centrality in the network. Findings of the social network analysis show that the structure of the international network still follows the existing order of the world system to a large extent. It is further supported by the result of the multivariate analysis that national income, a widely used benchmark for determining a country/territory's position in the world economy, is significantly and substantially related to centrality. However, national income does not have the largest predicting power. Instead, a country/territory's level of political grievances is found to be the strongest predictor. In addition, countries/territories with high Internet penetration rates tend to have high-centrality scores, and yet the effect size is smaller than the other predictors.


ASKETIK ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
GUNTORO GUNTORO

This paper aims to provide an overview related to cultural transformation and social change. Socio-culturalchanges in a society is a necessity and cannotbe avoided due to changes in society in accordance with the times. This change can be said as an effort to survive (survive) or defend themselves. In a broad sense, social movements can be interpreted as a central part of modernity. Social movements determine the characteristics of modern politics and modern society. This social movement is closely related to the fundamental structural changes that have been known as modernization that is spreading to the world system and life system. Behind social movements in social change there are conditions that can determine whether the social movements will succeed in making a broad impact and provide changes in the level of life as expected or not. In this condition it will foster various other social movements.


Author(s):  
María Inclán

This chapter summarizes the main arguments of the book and offers an explanation of why a seemingly successful insurgent social movement might be able to mobilize sympathy and support for its agenda but fail to force state authorities to address its demands. The conclusion is that despite relative failures, through protest mobilization and the support of solidaristic social movement organizations, insurgent social movements like the Zapatista movement may be able to survive as salient actors within a new democratic regime and as iconic figures among other social movements around the world. This chapter also compares the fate of the Zapatista movement to the outcomes of other social, indigenous, and guerrilla movements within different transitional conditions and offer some expectations for the future of Mexico’s democracy.


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