The Rise of the Organic Foods Movement as a Transnational Phenomenon

Author(s):  
Tomas Larsson

This article examines the rise of the organic foods movement to a position of power and influence around the world. The movement’s rise is attributed to the efficacy of “organic” as a mobilizing frame for a social movement, as well as to the institutional opportunities offered by states and international organizations. The article also discusses the organic foods movement as a model for other social movements seeking to attain transnational status.

Author(s):  
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah

The second chapter is a literature review. The first section tackles the different theological positions Muslim scholars have posited with regard to activism. This is important as we find that some of these stances guide, or are used to justify, the various forms of activism. I further discuss the types of Muslim activists, and the social movement literature, in order to ground the findings of this book within a field of study. The idea is that the book should be relevant beyond Singapore or even Islamic studies, and locating the book within the literature of social movements serves this purpose.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089692052097679
Author(s):  
Elham Hoominfar

In this paper, I apply the typical stages of social movements—emergence, coalescence, and institutionalization—to an Iranian environmental social movement. I show how each of the stages does, or does not, play out in the Iranian case, using interview data and documentary analysis. The first two stages of social movements are achieved in the movement. But, due to a centralized state that uses violence and repression, the movement cannot play on the stage of the dominant narrative’s institutionalization. However, the movement is not in decline. I suggest using the idea of “persistence/resistance” for the last stage rather than institutionalization, as institutionalization may be just a form to assure that social movements will persist. There are other cases like this movement around the world, but there is not a specific argument to challenge the limitations of the dominant narrative. My study helps scholars rethink this narrative according to the context of the countries in their research.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 506-507
Author(s):  
Rebecca Kay

In the introduction, Valerie Sperling notes that "Russia's transition from communism toward capitalism and a more democratic political arrangement has been both good and bad for women, presenting both obstacles and opportunities for organizing" (p. 7). She goes on to produce an engaging and thought-provoking analysis aimed at broadening the scope and explanatory power of social movement theory, which, she argues, has been developed by scholars who focus primarily on social movements in the "contemporary core democracies" (pp. 52-3). In contrast Sperling develops "a cross-cultural model of social movement organizing and development that explores five interrelated opportunity structures: socio-cultural or attitudinal, political, economic, political-historical, and international" (p. 53). In each subse- quent chapter she tackles one of these opportunity structures and offers a number of fascinating insights into the world of post-Soviet social movements, based on the experience of her sample of women's organizations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110485
Author(s):  
Spencer Louis Potiker

This paper argues that sociological analysis of social movements has undertheorized non/anti-state social movements. It is argued that an alternative modality of resistance to that of movements seeking reform through the state or the capture of state power through revolution is to exit the world-system and set up parallel structures of governance and production. A conjunctural inter-regional comparison is taken up in order to map the inter-scalar and historical causal factors that led to exit-with-autonomy in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and autonomy-without-exit in Iraqi Kurdistan (Kurdish Regional Government). The paper shows that in order to exit the world-system social movement actors in Rojava used strategic loyalty bargains and political voice at specific historical conjunctures in order to maintain their movement and seize on non-state political opportunities. These same non-state political opportunities were not available for the social movement actors hoping to exit the world-system in the Kurdish Regional Government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qinfeng Zhu

Social media offer an avenue for the formation of citizen-driven global networks that are vital to mobilizing international support and curating global public discourse in social movements. This study looks into the global flow of information and communication about Hong Kong's Occupy Central Movement with a focus on the country/territory-level international network that emerged on Twitter. Drawing on the world systems theory and the literature on social movement, it examines whether the globalization of a local social movement via social media is circumscribed by the existing order of the world system (i.e., from the developed core countries/territories to the developing peripheral). It focuses its analysis on the network structure and the predictors of countries/territories’ centrality in the network. Findings of the social network analysis show that the structure of the international network still follows the existing order of the world system to a large extent. It is further supported by the result of the multivariate analysis that national income, a widely used benchmark for determining a country/territory's position in the world economy, is significantly and substantially related to centrality. However, national income does not have the largest predicting power. Instead, a country/territory's level of political grievances is found to be the strongest predictor. In addition, countries/territories with high Internet penetration rates tend to have high-centrality scores, and yet the effect size is smaller than the other predictors.


ASKETIK ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
GUNTORO GUNTORO

This paper aims to provide an overview related to cultural transformation and social change. Socio-culturalchanges in a society is a necessity and cannotbe avoided due to changes in society in accordance with the times. This change can be said as an effort to survive (survive) or defend themselves. In a broad sense, social movements can be interpreted as a central part of modernity. Social movements determine the characteristics of modern politics and modern society. This social movement is closely related to the fundamental structural changes that have been known as modernization that is spreading to the world system and life system. Behind social movements in social change there are conditions that can determine whether the social movements will succeed in making a broad impact and provide changes in the level of life as expected or not. In this condition it will foster various other social movements.


Author(s):  
María Inclán

This chapter summarizes the main arguments of the book and offers an explanation of why a seemingly successful insurgent social movement might be able to mobilize sympathy and support for its agenda but fail to force state authorities to address its demands. The conclusion is that despite relative failures, through protest mobilization and the support of solidaristic social movement organizations, insurgent social movements like the Zapatista movement may be able to survive as salient actors within a new democratic regime and as iconic figures among other social movements around the world. This chapter also compares the fate of the Zapatista movement to the outcomes of other social, indigenous, and guerrilla movements within different transitional conditions and offer some expectations for the future of Mexico’s democracy.


This introductory chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to describe and analyze the logic that drives left-based social movements. The book maps the underlying logic of a new figure of resistance—a new sociopolitical formation—as it has materialized across the world. It undertakes this mapping exercise through a historical and ethnographic analysis of the Global Social Justice Movement from 1994 to 2006, with a particular focus on the indymedia movement. It argues that historical and sociocultural patterns connect different periods of political protest. Specifically, it argues that the patterns of struggle in a particular period are best understood as developing, in an ideal sense, through a multilateral dialogue between social-movement actors and both the past and present. The chapter then introduces the term Cyber Left, suggesting that that we are on the cusp of a new stage in left-based social movements. This is followed by an overview of the two parts of the book.


Author(s):  
David Monk ◽  
Bruno de Oliviera Jayme ◽  
Emilie Salvi

This paper invites the reader to consider the power and potential of art for public engagement, and its use in social movement learning and in demanding the world we want now. The authors frame social movements as important sites of scholarship and learning. They emphasize that by applying creative strategies to engage in critical thought about the nature of the world and one’s position in it, artforms have the potential to make essential contributions to social change. Inspired by literature related to critical art-based learning and learning in social movements, the authors explore representations of protest art and public art exhibitions. They contextualize their writing with stories of mobile art exhibits in Sao Paulo, the ‘maple spring’ in Montreal (Tiotia:ke in the language of the Kanien’kehá:ka), and anti–Bill C-51 protests in Lekwungen territory (Victoria, British Columbia). They present and reflect on their own experiences of using art as engagement and as a representation of voice in public demonstrations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Rodríguez

<p>Aunque ha sido tematizado, el concepto de malestar no ha tenido un lugar preponderante en los estudios sobre movimientos sociales. Incluso en su variante europea, explícitamente “culturalista”, el malestar no figuró como un concepto especialmente relevante. En los estudios latinoamericanos, por su parte, si bien el <em>tema</em> del malestar ha estado presente en mayor medida, éste no ha constituido un <em>concepto</em> central. Sin embargo, durante los últimos años, algunos autores han señalado el carácter ineludible del malestar, lo que podría abrir una posibilidad para teorizar de forma más clara la relación entre ambos términos. En el presente artículo se exploran algunas de las razones que subyacen a la ausencia relativa del concepto de malestar y se problematiza el lugar que el concepto puede tener en el campo de estudios sobre movimientos sociales en la actualidad.</p><p><strong>Palabras clave:</strong> malestar, movimientos sociales, política</p><p> </p><p class="Ttulo21"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The concept of malaise has not been of crucial importance for social movements studies. In spite of being an important topic, the concept has remained mainly confined to its descriptive dimension. Even in the “European” branch of social movement studies, where the individual and the cultural dimension of social life are highlighted, the concept of malaise has not been especially addressed. However, with the recent waves of protests around the world, during the last years some authors have pointed out the inescapable character of malaise and other forms of indignation. This could lead to a clarification of the relationship between the two terms. This paper aims to explore the reasons underlying this relative absence and to problematize the place that the topic of malaise can have in the field of social movement studies.  </p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong><em> </em>malaise, social movements, politics</p>


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