Cultural Capital and Volunteering: A Multilevel Study From China

2021 ◽  
pp. 089976402110573
Author(s):  
Zhiming Liu ◽  
Haiwei Jia

In this article, we extend Wilson and Musick’s concept of cultural capital, which was defined as the culture of benevolence, to a multilevel concept and build a multilevel cultural capital theory about individual (nonmandatory) volunteering based on religious beliefs, political values, belief in social justice, and belief in social trust in the context of volunteering in China. Data from the 2012 Chinese General Social Survey, China’s national and comprehensive large-scale social survey project, are used to empirically investigate the influences of individual-level cultural capital (values of benevolence) and contextual-level cultural capital (cultural climate of benevolence) on individual volunteering. In terms of individual-level cultural capital, membership in the Chinese Communist Party (China’s ruling party), belief in social justice, and belief in social trust have significant positive relationships with individual volunteering. In terms of contextual-level cultural capital, the religious climate and justice climate in a province have significant positive effects on individual volunteering.

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (40) ◽  
pp. e2108576118
Author(s):  
Yann Algan ◽  
Daniel Cohen ◽  
Eva Davoine ◽  
Martial Foucault ◽  
Stefanie Stantcheva

This article analyzes the specific and critical role of trust in scientists on both the support for and compliance with nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) during the COVID-19 pandemic. We exploit large-scale, longitudinal, and representative surveys for 12 countries over the period from March to December 2020, and we complement the analysis with experimental data. We find that trust in scientists is the key driving force behind individual support for and compliance with NPIs and for favorable attitudes toward vaccination. The effect of trust in government is more ambiguous and tends to diminish support for and compliance with NPIs in countries where the recommendations from scientists and the government were not aligned. Trust in others also has seemingly paradoxical effects: in countries where social trust is high, the support for NPIs is low due to higher expectations that others will voluntary social distance. Our individual-level longitudinal data also allows us to evaluate the effects of within-person changes in trust over the pandemic: we show that trust levels and, in particular, trust in scientists have changed dramatically for individuals and within countries, with important subsequent effects on compliant behavior and support for NPIs. Such findings point out the challenging but critical need to maintain trust in scientists during a lasting pandemic that strains citizens and governments.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Guangqiang Qin

Abstract This article analyses data from the 2015 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) to investigate the differentiated political values of the middle class in China. Combining the two factors of market situation and institutional division, the article first categorizes several basic types of middle class and then identifies two kinds of political values (liberal and conservative) from the indicators of support for freedom, government satisfaction, and political voting. The results show that the middle class, as a whole, tends to be more liberal than the working class. However, the internal divisions among the sub-groups in the middle class are more obvious – the political tendency of the middle class within the redistribution system is conservative but the middle class sub-groups outside the system, especially the new middle class, have the most liberal tendencies and constitute a potential source for change in China. Thus, the middle class is not necessarily a stabilizer or a subverter of the status quo and has a heterogeneous nature shaped by the dual forces of markets and institutions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER K. ENNS ◽  
PAUL M. KELLSTEDT

This article presents evidence that both micro (individual level) and macro (aggregate level) theories of public opinion overstate the importance of political sophistication for opinion change. It is argued that even the least politically sophisticated segment of society receives messages about the economy and uses this information to update attitudes about political issues. To test this hypothesis, the authors have used General Social Survey data to construct a 31-item measure of policy mood, disaggregated by political sophistication, that spans from 1972 to 2004. They found that all the subgroups generally changed opinion at the same time, in the same direction, and to about the same extent. Furthermore, they show that groups at different sophistication levels change opinions for predominantly the same reasons.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Micah Lindner ◽  
Jason Houle

Despite growing economic inequality in recent decades, public support for government intervention to address it has been stable. A substantial literature has documented the individual-level demographic, social, and political characteristics that are associated with the extent to which individuals favor government intervention to reduce inequality. However, less work has examined how the local social environments that individuals are embedded in shape attitudes regarding inequality remediation. Using data from the General Social Survey (2006-2012) and other data sources, we examine whether local economic and social characteristics are associated with individuals’ support for government intervention to address income inequality in the U.S. Specifically, we link restricted General Social Survey data with place-level identifiers to county-level data on local income inequality, racial segregation, and partisan leanings. Broadly, we find that while national and individual-level conditions are strongly correlated with perceptions about inequality remediation, most local-level characteristics were not strongly nor significantly associated with individual attitudes regarding government intervention to address inequality. These findings tend to suggest that individuals formulate policy stances regarding inequality based on national messaging, rather than on observations within their own communities.


Author(s):  
Xiuhua Wang ◽  
Sung Joon Jang

This paper examines the moral community thesis in the secular context of China. Using multilevel logistic regression, we test (1) whether both individual- (measured by affiliation with institutional religion) and aggregate-level religiosity (measured by the number of religious sites per 10,000 people in province) are inversely related to law and rule violations at the individual level and (2) whether the province-level religiosity enhances the inverse relationship between individual religiosity and the deviant behaviors. Results from analyzing data from the 2010 China General Social Survey and the Spatial Explorer of Religions show that both individual- and aggregate-level religiosity are inversely related to the odds of violating the law and various rules of government, transportation, workplace, and other organizations. However, the cross-level interactions are not significant across models, indicating that the contextual religiosity does not increase the effect of individual-level religiosity on deviance. Implications of findings for the moral community thesis are discussed.


Prismet ◽  
1970 ◽  
pp. 79-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pål Ketil Botvar

Religion has become a contested issue in Norwegian public debate. Some of the ongoing debates are highly relevant for young people, for example debates on the use of religious symbols as part of one’s attire and the use of prayer rooms in public schools. In this article I will discuss attitudes to public forms of religion in the light of social capital theory. Social trust constitutes an essential component of social capital. Trust generated in face-to-face-settings develops into a more generalized social trust that has profound effects on large-scale modern societies. In this article I will analyze the explanatory power of social capital indicators and religiosity on attitudes to religion in the public sphere. In the analysis I also include background factors such as gender, political views and the education level of the parents.Keywords: Upper secondary school, subject Religion and Ethics, human rights, religious freedom, social capitalNøkkelord: Videregående skole, Religion- og etikkfaget, menneskerettigheter, religionsfrihet, sosial kapital


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynette H Ong ◽  
Donglin Han

What drives people to protest in an authoritarian country? Drawing from a rich set of individual-level data from the China General Social Survey 2010, we address the question of protest participation by focusing on the factors of resources, and rewards vs risks, that might be unique to protestors in an authoritarian state. We find strong evidence for education, typically conceived as a key enabling resource in protests, to be negatively associated with likelihood of participation. There are, however, significant differences between political behavior in urban and rural samples. We find some, though rather weak, evidence to suggest that as urban residents become wealthier over time, they will increasingly turn to protests as a form of political participation, demanding greater accountability of government and corporate actions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAKANORI SUMINO

AbstractDespite the general consensus that individualistic utility-optimising behaviour reduces popular support for the welfare state, we still know little about how and to what extent such negative effects of self-interested calculus are mediated by other attitudinal factors, particularly solidaristic values and principles. Using individual-level data from the Japanese General Social Survey, this study seeks not only to qualify existing findings on welfare preference formation but also to explore the hypothesis that the negative impact of economic self-interest is offset or moderated by solidarity-oriented values and beliefs. The author finds that the oft-made claim that material interest and individualistic ideologies undermine welfare support can be replicated in the context of Japan. The results also provide evidence in support of the liberal nationalist contention that popular discourse on welfare is significantly directed by a sense of national unity. Data from Japan also elucidate the fact that a strong sense of social trust significantly weakens the salience of self-oriented cost–benefit calculations. These findings suggest that solidarity-related variables such as national identity and interpersonal trustworthiness should receive more attention in future research on welfare attitudes.


Author(s):  
Delei Liu ◽  
Xiaojing Wu

Abstract: This study used data from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS2015) to analyze the impact of education on individual social justice.The study found that: (1) The proportion of the sample data that considered the society to be fairer or very fair was 49.84%, while the proportion that felt more unfair or very unfair was 27.84%;(2)The social justice of residents in the sample data has differences in regions, education, gender, ethnicity, and census;(3) Education has a significant positive effect on social justice. Improving the level of education can increase residents' sense of social justice.


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